Browsing by Subject "nationalism"

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  • Hänninen, Erja (2002)
    The topic of my Master's thesis is the contest of Indian secularism after the independence of India. As challengers of the Indian secularism I examine Hindu nationalism, Sikh nationalism and Kashmiri nationalism, which either try to secede from the Indian union, like Sikh and Kashmiri nationalism, or to change it into a Hindu state. These nationalisms are also often referred to as communalism. The purpose of secularism was to guarantee the different religious groups inside the Indian union a possibility to function equally. This did not work out, which led first to the contest of secularism, and then to the crisis of the Indian secularism, the nation-state and the Congress Party of India, with secularism as its main principal. My aim is to study how and why the nationalisms have been able to contest the secularism. I examine the political development of the nationalisms and their conjuncture with the Indian politics led by the Congress Party. Further, I examine why the separatist nationalisms turned against the nation-building project of India and started to demand the recognition as own nations. I have divided this thesis into three main chapters. In the first part, I study the concept of secularism and how it evolved into a special Indian version. In the second part, I first present different conceptions of nationalism and communalism, and how I use them. Then, I study how the nationalisms have developed to a situation, in which they have been able to contest the Indian secularism. In the last chapter, I apply two theories to the Indian context, and I come to the result that the Indian secularism is in a state of crisis. In my research, I come to the conclusion that the contest of Indian secularism did not happen solely because of the rise of the communalist powers, but it also took place because of the Congress Party surrendering its secular role by succumbing to opportunistic politics, and its failure to answer to the demands of the nationalisms. The main sources of my thesis are researches in Indian history. I have concentrated on comparing the findings of these researches and to set the information they provide into a new, more comprehensive and historical perspective. By comparing the different nationalisms, I provide a new perspective to the research of the topic. Other sources, that I have used, are the Lok Sabha Debates, the Internet pages of the communalist parties and material from the Archives of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Finland.
  • Mackie, Adam Gordon (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    This thesis will explore the variance in support of the European Union between Scotland and England and explain the Brexit referendum vote through a focus on identity and nationalism. A theory of allegiance is developed to explain the linkage between Scottish and English nationalism and opinion formation vis-à-vis the European Union. The paper finds that national identity played a key role in how people voted in the Brexit referendum as it shapes where individuals locate the terminal political community.
  • Allen, Jessica (2006)
    Minority issues have had a great impact on the parliamentarian debate as well as on the implemented laws during the period 1995-2003. Latvia became independent in 1991 and during this time the country has been struggling with strong nationalistic feelings as well as a desire to turn its back to Russia. In order to achieve this, the Latvian Parliament stimulated in accordance with the Supreme Council that citizenship should only be granted to pre-1940 citizens and their descendants, with the outcome that more than 40 % of the population in Latvia was excluded from citizenship, most of them Russian-speaking people. According to the theorists Ernest Gellner and T.K Oommen, the theoretical concept nationalism describes the political situation in Latvia concerning the minorities, indicating that in a nation, there can only live one people, sharing the same culture, language and history. Alfonso Alfonsi says that neo-nationalistic feelings are common in post communistic states, as societies that for decades were restricted by authoritarian ideology cannot perceive ideas of modern liberal democracy, and substitute propagated class solidarity with ethnic solidarity. The purpose of the study is to examine citizenship and identity, and evaluate the kind of citizenship policies that Latvia has adopted after having declared its independence. The analysis is mainly a study of the debate in the Latvian Parliament concerning minority issues and the laws implemented thereafter, during Latvia’s application period into the European Union 1995-2003. By analyzing the different parliaments and coalition during the period of 1995-2003, as well as the debate and the legal framework during this period, it is possible to distinguish in what way the situation of the Russian-speaking minority has changed. The core to the analysis is the qualitative content approach, which is used to analyze the political debate and the laws implemented within the Latvian Parliament. The political parties of the Latvian Parliament have been the main actors in stipulating laws and regulations in order to discourage or to encourage the Russian-speaking minority from participating as Latvian citizens within the Latvian community. The political program of each party is the source for the party’s behavior within the Latvian Parliament, as it establishes the ground for the ideologies and aims of the political parties. Despite the view that Latvia formally fulfills the relevant international agreements, the citizenship issue in Latvia will continue to have an important international political significance. During the period 1995-2003 the Latvian Parliament promulgated various laws, among others the Citizenship laws, the Language Law and the Education Law, in order to decrease the opportunities of the minorities to participate within the Latvian society. These laws demonstrate the aversion of the Latvian Parliament to comply the European Union accession criteria regarding human rights and respect of minorities, and should need a few more years to stipulate the adequate laws before acquiring full EU-membership.
  • Eskelinen, T.; Ylönen, Matti (2020)
    The contemporary world continues to suffer from a number of social problems that are global in scope but impact the Global South disproportionately. While broad and coordinated policy responses to overcome these problems exist, such policies are not shaped solely by the political will to address the problems. On the contrary, their content largely depends on how societies in general and the social problems in particular are routinely explained and conceptualized. We refer to these as explanatory tendencies or paradigms of explanation. As complex problems always have multiple root causes with long causal chains, explanations of these causes necessarily involve some assumptions about relevant causalities. Typically, the main choice in explaining international politics relates to the extent to which social phenomena should be explained by domestic institutions, decisions and events. Social science in general has been noted to have a bias toward a "nationalist" approach to explanation [Beck, 2007; Brenner, 1999; Gore, 1993; Pogge, 2002]. This means treating the state as the primary and even sufficient object of analysis, so that problems are explained by the malfunctioning institutions and misinformed policies of states. Such explanatory biases become naturalized in everyday politics and social analysis [Amin, 2004]. While this has been widely discussed as an epistemological issue, the interplay between international organizations and explanatory tendencies has received less attention. The present article addresses this gap. We argue that explanatory tendencies and biases should not be treated exclusively as an epistemological matter. They need to be accompanied by an analysis of the role of international organizations as both influenced by an explanatory tendency and upholding it. Paradigms of explanation are reflected in the priorities and relative powers of international organizations, as their very structure can reflect particular explanatory tendencies. As an example, we will use the ascent and descent of the United Nations work on the power of multinational enterprises.
  • Pyrhönen, Niko Johannes (University of Helsinki, Swedish School of Social Science, 2015)
    SSKH skrifter
    At the beginning of the millennium, a concern for the future of the welfare state in the globalized era was widely shared across the Finnish political spectrum. Further politicizing the question of immigration, neo-populist advocates mobilized a markedly heterogeneous constituency to support the right-wing populist Perussuomalaiset party, establishing the previously minor party among the three largest ones in the parliament. Employing a wide range of narratives, specifically tailored to different arenas of public debate, neo-populism soon acquired a chameleonic character that allowed front-line politicians and grassroots level advocates to secure support from constituencies in the blue-collared working-class, the middle classes and the generation. Instrumental in the expansion of the Perussuomalaiset voter base was the neo-populists ability to consistently facilitate exposure in the media for a welfare nationalist political agenda that framed their exclusionary immigration critique as part of a mundane socio-political debate aimed at saving our welfare state. In order to examine the consolidation of neo-populism into a resonant collective identity, the present study operationalizes theoretical contributions from critical nationalism studies a compound body of literature in sociology, political science and media studies into three analytical lenses. Triangulating between these lenses, the empirical analysis focuses on the narrative agency of neo-populist advocates, uncovering how the seedbed of favorable political opportunity structures was harnessed in their political mobilization. The collection of narrative data from a variety of arenas of public debate, and its subsequent analysis, is structured by a historical reconstruction of three critical turning points taking place before, during and right after the electoral victory of the Perussuomalaiset in 2011. The results of this doctoral study point to a conclusion that neo-populist mobilization was first advanced through narratives of exclusionary boundary-work, employed for the purpose of justifying a welfare nationalist focus on immigration politics as the panacea for the ailing welfare state. Constructing an idealized legacy of an empowering welfare state and harmoniously homogeneous civil society, neo-populists proliferated public stories that place the blame for the welfare state s globalized challenges on immigration. Moreover, through strategic social action in various online arenas of contested media space, the neo-populists sought to further personalize and emotionalize the debate on immigration. This served to consolidate a collective identity based on victimized self-understanding, whereby their political opponents and public critics were positioned into distinct enemy categories, such as the elite controlled media, irresponsible Green Khmers and detached ladies with flowery hats.
  • ARI, Melis (2008)
    Unbearable Burden of Forgetting is about emergence of Turkish Nationalism. In the official history writings of Turkey, M. Kemal Ataturk is regarded as the father of Turkish Nation, thus nationalism. However defining the concept of nationalism for the Kemalist Period is not so easy, as Ataturk in 1923 when introducing the concept to Turkish nation regarded it as a self evident principle. During 1920s and 1930s M. Kemal emphasized common history and common will to stay together as constituting a nation. He saw reaching the highest level of civilizations as the ultimate aim. In practice, however, religious, lingual and ethnic elements played a greater role in defining Turkish nationalism. The thesis aims to clarify this ambiguity created. Hence turns to 19th century Ottoman Era when nationalism started to flourish. In the Ottomans the principles Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism came to compensate the sentiment of nationalism. Thus through analysing what these principles meant and what the circumstances that gave rise to them were, how 19th century came to shape Kemalist nationalism is studied. The question thesis puts forward is: Can the late Ottoman history provide reasons why Mustafa Kemal emphasized on different elements of what constituted a nation at different times and why his understanding of nationalism provides space for ambiguity, or is there simply an inconsistency in the early Republican politics on nationalism? The research is done based on a selected literature review of first hand sources; M. Kemal's speeches and writings as well as Ziya Gökalp's and Yusuf Akcura's books on Turkism and on secondary sources; contemporary studies on Turkish History and on the concept nationalism. Chapter 2 provides pieces from M. Kemal's speeches to clarify the inconsistency of emphasis over different elements. Chapter 3 describes the general situation in 19th century Ottomans in order to understand the circumstances when and how nationalism flourished. Chapter 4 introduces Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism, three ideologies that have tried to create a common identity to prevent the empire from breaking apart. Chapter 5 analyses further the ideology surrounding Turkism from Gökalp's and Akcura's points of view. Chapter 6 focuses on early 20th century, how Turkism came to be used by Union and Progress Party and how Turkish Houses shaped the notion. Chapter 7 briefly looks at post WWI Anatolia in order to understand the circumstances of the time Republic declared its independence. The thesis at the end comes to the solution that there is a historical reason why Ataturk had the need to emphasize on different elements. Traditionally religion had defined Turkishness and had come to shape policies as well as relations. Only Ottomanism had solely emphasized on subjective elements; that is history and will. Once it failed there was evident need in emphasizing on traceable elements. This is very similar to what Kemalist nationalism did. Although Ataturk rejected the Ottoman past and disregarded any connections to it, the continuity in nationalism is clear. Studying Kemalist nationalism within the historical context that includes late Ottoman era helps one understand better nationalism in Kemalist period.
  • Lindstedt, Jouko (University of Helsinki, Department of Modern Languages, 2012)
    Slavica Helsingiensia
  • Kalliala, Rasmus (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    Denna undersökning behandlar representationer av landskap och betydelser kopplade till inhemsk mat i livsmedelsreklam. Nationer och nationella identiteter existerar och återskapas genom vardagliga representationer och handlingar. Dessa nationella representationer och handlingar förekommer även inom kommers och mer specifikt inom livsmedelsindustrin. Genom att beteckna både maten och dess konsument som nationella, återskapas även nationen symboliskt. Finländare föredrar enligt tidigare forskning inhemsk mat, och använder sig av nationalistiskt resonerande då det gäller val av mat. Finländare kopplar ihop närproducerad och inhemsk mat med bland annat lokalitet, tradition, nostalgi, autenticitet, självnärdhet, renhet och naturlighet, vilket i sin tur tyder på en sorts agrar nostalgi. Både landskap och mat innehåller vissa kvalitativa betydelser som anknyter till tid och plats, genom vilka nationen och den nationella identiteten förhandlas och reproduceras. Detta arbete upplyser de sätten genom vilka detta sker. Materialet i undersökningen består av tolv stycken reklamer av företaget Valio, som är det största livsmedelsföretaget i Finland med tanke på omsättning. Genom en analys av dess reklamer kan resultaten reflektera sådana representationer som finländare är attraherade av och anser betydelsefulla. Materialet avgränsades först genom att endast inkludera reklamer som innehöll tydliga finska landskap. Sedan delades de in i tre kategorier: staden, landsbygden och vildmarken, vilka kvantifierades med hjälp av en innehållsanalys. Sedan tillämpades en semiotisk analys för att uppnå en djupare nivå av förståelse. Detta gjordes genom att först identifiera de påtagliga elementen hos landskapen och livsmedelsprodukterna, varefter en djupare analys av dess bibetydelser utfördes. Analysen av reklamerna visar att representationer av landskap till största delen är kopplade till staden och dess symboliska monument, men även till stadens alienation från landsbygden och vildmarkens äkta liv. Detta betonas bland annat genom de andra landskapens symboliska intrång in i staden, och deras drömlika föreställningar. I kontexten av inhemsk mat innebär det att man vill komma närmare så kallad lokal, autentisk och äkta mat, vilket finns på landsbygden och i vildmarken, och uttrycker en sorts agrar nostalgi. Nostalgin uttrycks i reklamerna genom att referera till det förflutna och till tradition, men även till bland annat självnärdhet, enkelhet, lokalitet och ’’äkta’’ mat. Landsbygden presenterades som en idyllisk, traditionell och tidlös plats, medan vildmarken representerade självnärdhet och ihärdighet. Analysen visar att reklamernas representationer av landskap och inhemsk mat, både enskilt och i växelverkan, återskapar vissa kulturella betydelser gällande plats och tid som bidrar till återskapandet av den nationella identiteten, och förankrar nationen i en specifik geografisk plats med sin egen historia.
  • Ullom, Andrew William (Helsingfors universitet, 2016)
    This thesis explores representations of Brazil in Argentine print media coverage of the 2014 World Cup. In Argentina, and generally throughout Latin America as a whole, the game of football transcends the boundary of sport and has a significant effect on a societal level. Therefore, what is said within the context of sport can be then analyzed as potentially having significance on a more expansive, profound level. This thesis analyzes statements and portrayals of Brazil made within the context of a sporting competition-the 2014 World Cup- and examines if and how these statements cast Brazil as an inferior Other to Argentina. Theoretically, this thesis uses Edward Said’s Orientalism as a starting point with which to explore how an opposing group can be represented in such a way as to dominate it. Negatively stereotyping and essentializing an opposing group, as outlined by Said in Orientalism is applied to the Latin American context with the help of previous works by Latin American social scientists who have previously decontextualized Said’s work from the Orient and applied it specifically to the case of Argentina and Brazil. With his concept of ‘’banal nationalism’’, Michael Billig describes a type of nationalism which is almost constant and nearly undetectable. This proved highly relevant in relation to Argentine coverage of the World Cup, and also provides a theoretical basis for this thesis. Fieldwork was carried out in Buenos Aires, Argentina in 2014, where ethnographic fieldnotes and print media articles were collected, and semi-structured interviews were conducted. Qualitative content analysis and the application of coding frames to the collected print articles allow for the content of hundreds of articles to be reduced to pertinent reoccurring themes, which are then analyzed in relation to the research questions of this thesis. Within the data several reoccurring trends are found which contribute to the identity of a dominant or superior Argentina and a weak Brazil. Dominant and militaristic language, referred to as ‘’colonizing discourse’’ within this thesis, is employed to describe the interaction Argentine fans have with Brazilians and Brazilian space during the 2014 World Cup. The trend of speaking for the other by defining their mental state and applying negative emotional characteristics to the entire populations of Brazilian cities or even the entire country itself is also found, and it is argued that the assignation of negative emotions or a damaged psyche casts Brazil as weak, and thus, Argentina as strong.
  • Elmgren, Ainur (2018)
    The tenacious negative stereotypes of the Jesuits, conveyed to generations of Finnish school children through literary works in the national canon, were re-used in anti-Socialist discourse during and after the revolutionary year of 1917. Fear of the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 paradoxically strengthened the negative stereotype of "Jesuitism," especially after the attempted revolution by Finnish Socialists that led to the Finnish Civil War of 1918. The fears connected to the revolution were also fears of democracy itself; various campaigning methods in the new era of mass politics were associated with older images of Jesuit proselytism. In rare cases, the enemy image of the political Jesuit was contrasted with actual Catholic individuals and movements.
  • Sjöblom, Tomas (Helsingfors universitet, 2017)
    Våren 1906 organiserades en kampanj av aldrig tidigare sedd storlek för förfinskningar av släktnamn. Namnförfinskningskampanjen fick sitt startskott med författaren Johannes Linnankoskis tal i mars och kulminerade i en massförfinskning på Snellmansdagen den 12 maj, då tiotusentals personer förfinskade sina släktnamn. Under våren debatterades ämnet aktivt i såväl den finskspråkiga som den svenskspråkiga pressen. Denna avhandling behandlar aktörer, målgrupper, argumentation, retorik, ideologi och politisk agenda i den finsksinnade namnförfinskningskampanjen och den svensksinnade kritik som kampanjen gav upphov till. Det teoretiska ramverket för avhandlingen är nationalism, identitet och språk. Kampanjen och dess motreaktion speglas mot teorier om konstruerandet av en nationell identitet och ett folk och byggandet av en nationell historia. Betydelsen av ett gemensamt språk för inkluderande i och exkluderande från imaginära gemenskaper spelar en central roll i förståelsen av fenomenet. Avhandlingen baserar sig på ett brett källmaterial bestående av såväl ca 500 tidningsartiklar som arkivkällor. Källorna behandlas såväl kvantitativt som kvalitativt. Med hjälp av statistik belyses olika aktörers engagemang, centrala teman i argumentationen samt målgrupper för namnförfinskningskampanjen och den svensksinnade motreaktionen. Den kvantitativt baserade analysen fördjupas genom en djupare kvalitativ analys och rikliga exempel från källmaterialet. Namnförfinskningskampanjen var en produkt av flera centrala aktörers samarbete. Kampanjen startades av det vetenskapliga sällskapet Kotikielen seura och studentföreningarna Suomalainen Nuija och Ylioppilaiden Keskusteluseura. Skriftställaren Johannes Linnankoski hade också en central roll, då hans brandtal för massförfinskningen av släktnamn var startskottet till kampanjen och publicerades i största delen av de finskspråkiga tidningarna i landet. Utöver dessa hade dock även de politiska partierna och deras tidningar en stor inverkan på att kampanjen blev så stor. Speciellt det gammalfinska partiet och dess ledande tidningar Uusi Aura och Uusi Suometar agiterade mycket aktivt för namnförfinskningarna. Den svensksinnade motkampanjen koncentrerade sig däremot främst runt kvällstidningen Nya Pressen och dess chefredaktör Axel Lille, som samtidigt arbetade för att omforma det svenska partiet. Argumentationen för namnförfinskningarna innehöll en bred spridning av olika slags argument. Både argument om praktiska problem som uttalssvårigheter och emotionella argument som att finska släktnamn var ett tecken på fosterländskhet figurerade. En del argument fick oproportionerligt stor synlighet på grund av att de användes av ett fåtal skribenter vars inlägg publicerades flera gånger om. Sist och slutligen var det en liten krets personer som ledde agitationen i pressen. Den svensksinnade kritiken koncentrerade sig främst på rationella argument, trots att försök att förlöjliga namnförfinskningskampanjen också var vanliga. Målgruppen för namnförfinskningskampanjen var på ytan hela folket. Den viktigaste gruppen var dock den bildade klassen som enligt snellmanska tankebanor måste förfinskas. Likaså koncentrerade sig den svensksinnade motkampanjen på att förmå den bildade klassen att inte delta i kampanjen. De politiska partierna tävlade redan om sina målgruppers gunst inför lantdagsvalet som skulle gå av stapeln följande år. Förutom en språkfråga, var debatten om namnförfinskningar i allra högsta grad en politisk fråga.