Browsing by Subject "5171 Political Science"

Sort by: Order: Results:

Now showing items 1-20 of 247
  • Bergmane, Una (2022)
    After the USSR annexed the Baltic states in 1940, the Bank of France refused to transfer Baltic gold reserves to Moscow and preserved them until the reestablishment of Baltic independence in 1991. This decision resulted from a slow but deep change in the conduct of international relations, namely the post-WWI effort to outlaw the use of force in international relations. By refusing to recognise Soviet rights over Baltic gold, France embraced the slowly emerging principle of ex injuria jus non oritur ('law does not arise from injustice') that was at the heart of Stimson doctrine (1932) and the Briand-Kellogg Pact (1928). To better understand the changes taking place on the macro-level (state conduct dealing with territorial change created by force), this article zooms on the level of domestic institutional actors and their ways of dealing with the Baltic problem in their daily practice. It explains how the French position regarding the Baltic question was negotiated between various institutional actors such as the French presidency, the Treasury, Foreign Ministry and the Bank of France. I argue that the key element shaping French policy towards the Baltic gold issue was the institutional self-protection logic of the Bank of France.
  • Vallinkoski, Katja; Koirikivi, Pia; Malkki, Leena (2022)
    Over the last two decades, the prevention of violent radicalisation, extremism and terrorism has become a major policy issue in Europe, and educational institutions’ central role in it has become widely acknowledged. However, what has rarely been addressed is that living in today’s media-centred world, in which terrorism receives much dramatic attention, news about violent extremist attacks reach every student and can significantly impact their emotions, beliefs, attitudes and feelings of safety. Since little attention has been given to how educators have addressed issues of violent radicalisation, extremism and terrorism with their students, this study relies on data-driven content analysis to investigate Finnish educators’ experiences regarding two issues in particular: first, what kind of themes associated with violent radicalisation, extremism and terrorism have been brought up in classroom discussions? Second, what provided the impetus for these discussions? The discussions in educational institutions dealt with the motives behind ideologically motivated violence, extreme ideologies, security concerns, immigration and ethical considerations. Recent violent attacks, curriculum content, students’ experiences and jokes requiring educators’ intervention provided the impetus for such discussions. The study findings are important for developing educational approaches to address violent radicalisation, extremism and terrorism-related issues in a pedagogically and ethically sustainable manner and to create ‘safe spaces’ for the discussions.
  • Gritsenko, Daria; Salonen, Hilma (2021)
    Many Arctic communities are exposed to energy security risks. Remote settlements rely largely on diesel for energy production, which results in higher consumer prices, negative impacts on the environment and public health. In the past few years, pilot projects for switching remote villages from diesel-generated to wind- and solar-diesel hybrid power plants were realized across the Arctic. Renewable energy projects have a major potential to alleviate energy security risks, promote public health and better environment. Yet, renewable energy does not take hold easily in the Arctic region. Especially in Russia, significant subsidies for fossil fuel present a major disincentive, as well as perpetuate vested interests of national oil companies. Despite the Russian Arctic being a ‘hard case’ for renewables development, there has been both interest in and progress towards the uptake of renewable energy across the Russian Arctic regions. This article contributes to the ‘local turn’ in sustainable energy policy studies by exploring two intertwined questions: which factors contribute to renewable energy development in the Russian Arctic and how do these factors characterise differences between individual Arctic communities? Using a combination of exploratory factor analysis and correspondence analysis in application to the local level (municipal) data, we update the existing models of the factors contributing to renewable energy uptake and put forward four distinct community-level models that describe renewables uptake. We conclude by emphasizing the importance of the local perspective on sustainable energy as a key to explaining differences in observed policy outcomes.
  • Gorbacheva, Elena; Zavadskaya, Margarita; Caras, Valeria Stefania (2022)
  • Lehtinen, Mattias; Brunila, Tuukka (2021)
    The COVID-19 pandemic has made relevant questions regarding the limits and the justifications of sovereign power as nation states utilize high degrees of power over populations in their strategies of countering the virus. In our article, we analyze a particularly important facet of the strategy of sovereignty in managing the affects caused by a pandemic, which we term the ontology of war. We analyze the way in which war plays a significant role in the political ontology of our societies, through its aiming to produce a unified political subject and an external enemy. Taking our theoretical cue from Butler’s thinking on frames of recognizability we extend her theory through augmenting it with affect theory to argue for how the frame of recognizability produced by the ontology of war fails to guide our understanding of the pandemic as a political problem, a failure that we analyze through looking at the affective register. We argue that the main affect that the nation state tries to manage, in relation to the pandemic, through the ontology of war is anxiety. We show that the nation state tries to alleviate anxiety by framing it through the ontology war, this leads to the appearance of a potentially racist and nationalist affective climate where the “enemy” is no longer felt to be the virus, but members of other nations as well as minorities. We argue that the pandemic reveals both the political ontology of war central to the foundation of our political communities, and how this ontology is used by the nation state to manage feelings of anxiety and insecurity. Ultimately, as we will discuss at the end of this article, this leads to failure.
  • Welsh, John W (2021)
    The bulk of research on academic rankings is policy-oriented, preoccupied with 'best practices', and seems incapable of transcending the normative discourse of 'governance'. To understand, engage, and properly critique the operation of power in academic rankings, the rankings discourse needs to escape the gravity of 'police science' and embrace a properly political science of ranking. More specifically, the article identifies three pillars of the extant research from which a departure would be critically fruitful - positivism, managerialism, institutionalism - and then goes on to outline three aspects of rankings that a critical political analysis should explore, integrate, and develop into future research from the discourses of critical theory - arkhe, dispositif, and dialectik.
  • Strang, Johan; Marjanen, Jani; Hilson, Mary (De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2021)
    Helsinki Yearbook of Intellectual History
  • Kivimaa, Paula; Brisbois, Marie Claire; Jayaram, Dhanasree; Hakala, Emma; Siddi , Marco (2022)
    A transition to net-zero carbon energy systems, imperative to combat climate change, is unfolding around the world. Other socio-technical systems also face the need to transition to become more environmentally and socially sustainable. We argue that such transitions will have both positive and negative security implications on numerous issues which deserve attention but have been little addressed in transition studies. We take a socio-technical lens and propose that these security implications can be ex-ante analysed via three elements of socio-technical systems: technology, actors, and institutions. We provide an illustration of such analysis in the energy transition context and use this to create a categorisation framework for expectations analysis. Regarding the technology dimension, expectations concerning, e.g., resource and technology dependencies, risk for technical system disruptions, and effects on interconnected systems can be analysed as relevant security issues. For the actor dimension, issues such as geopolitical uncertainties, regional (in)stability, internal tensions, and diffusion of power are identified. For institutions, e.g., influence on democratic institutions, peace building and structural violence can be assessed. We argue there is a need for improved and forward-looking policy coordination across domains and for academic studies that utilise foresight approaches to assess different security expectations more concretely.
  • Khan, Jawaria (2022)
    As an international doctoral researcher with a new-born daughter by my side, I reveal, in this autoethnography, the struggles to survive in the academic labor market of a non-Anglophone country, Finland. This personal narrative combined with sociological theory of Marxism brings a bottom-up perspective of international doctoral students. The purpose is to look inward and expose my vulnerable self that has been affected, moved and refracted by the academic neoliberalism causing alienation and my resistance. Explaining academic work as labor through vignettes, I present four cases of Marxist alienation that corelates with the alienation of early career researchers from the product (research output), process (doing research), species-essence (the passion of research) and other workers (academic colleagues). The findings of this autoethnography reiterates that academic labor is indeed in crisis. I recommend as researchers we should recognize this estrangement of academic labor and bring change through personal agency and ethical accountability.
  • Nemcok, Miroslav (2019)
    Parties can not only actively adjust the electoral rules to reach more favourable outcomes, as is most often recognized in political science, but they also passively create an environment that systematically influences electoral competition. This link is theorized and included in the wider framework capturing the mutual dependence of electoral systems and party systems. The impact of passive influence is successfully tested on one out of two factors closely related to party systems: choice set size (i.e., number of options provided to voters) and degree of ideological polarization. The research utilizes established datasets (i.e., Constituency-Level Elections Archive, Party System Polarization Index, Chapel Hill Expert Survey, and Manifesto Project Database) and via regression analysis with clustered robust standard errors concludes that the choice set size constitutes an attribute with passive influence over electoral systems. Thus, it must be reflected when outcomes of electoral systems are estimated or compared across various contexts.
  • Kekkonen, Arto; Ylä-Anttila, Tuomas (2021)
    Research has suggested that affective polarization (AP)—the extent to which partisans view each other as a disliked out-group—has increased, especially in two-party political systems such as in the US. The understanding of AP in multiparty systems remains limited. We study AP in Finland, characterized by a strong multiparty system and a low level of ideological polarization, between 2007 and 2019. We find that AP has increased, driven mainly by voters evaluating their least favorite party more negatively. We also propose an approach that goes beyond earlier literature, which has mostly used a single aggregate metric to measure AP. Using latent profile analysis, we find that voters are grouped into blocs that view some parties positively and others negatively. This suggests that the complex dynamics of AP in multiparty democracies involve relationships between not just individual parties but between what we call affective blocs that span across party lines.
  • Ollinaho, Ossi; Kröger, Markus (2021)
    This article canvasses the current definitions and framings of “agroforestry” in different academic literature and policies. Three key framings of “agroforestry” are identified in the scholarship and explored for their differences. The findings suggest that the distinct schools of research on “agroforestry” focus on distinct points of departure, and these baseline situations from which transitions to what is called “agroforestry” occur vary in distinct ways from monoculture plantations to primary forests. Political-economic analysis is used to scrutinize three key “agroforestry” transition categories: agroecological, agribusiness, and forest degradation, which the article identifies as agroecoforestry (the good), agrobizforestry (the bad), and agrodeforestry (the ugly) transitions, respectively. Examples of each type are provided based on field research in Brazil, and the results are put into a global perspective. The categories are helpful in identifying the “agroforestry” transitions that are currently marketed as good solutions but might also have negative impacts and in highlighting the agroecological agroforestry transitions that would help simultaneously increase global food production, adapt to and mitigate the climate crisis, and achieve equity and social justice.
  • Wijermars, Marielle (Routledge, 2018)
    Studies in Contemporary Russia
  • Nemcok, Miroslav; Wass, Hanna (2021)
    Popular consent is an essential element for success and stability of democracies. Research has repeatedly demonstrated that “electoral winners” (i.e. voters casting a ballot for government parties) are more satisfied with democracy than supporters of the opposition parties. However, little is known about the dynamics of satisfaction during the electoral cycle: Do winners become happier and losers even more discontent over time? We approach this question by utilizing an interview date in the European Social Survey (rounds 1–8) to position individuals within the different stages of electoral cycle. The results based on 199,207 responses from 199 surveys in 31 countries suggest that satisfaction with democracy stays relatively stable during the electoral cycle across various electoral systems if the political development is predictable. However, if actions of the parties are uncertain, namely the alternations of governments tend to be frequent, partial, and opened to all parties, and hence neither winners nor losers know how steady their status is with respect to the political development in the country, their satisfaction tend to fluctuate over time. Therefore, the conclusion reached is the more stable West European democracies have limited generalizability to the low-predictable systems in Central and Eastern Europe.
  • Hartikainen, Ilana (2021)
    This article studies how a technocratic populist can visually perform the authenticity and connection to ‘the low’ that is key to a populist performance while also maintaining the performance of expertise that is central to technocratic populist success. It relies on the case study of Czech prime minister Andrej Babiš and uses Facebook data from his profile in March and September–October 2020, the two peak moments of the crisis in the first and second waves of the COVID-19 pandemic. After offering a timeline of the Czech COVID-19 epidemic in 2020, it applies a dramaturgical analysis to four representative photos from Babiš’ Facebook page. It finds that Babiš was able to simultaneously articulate both expertise and authenticity, thereby both creating a connection to ‘the people’ while also articulating himself as an expert capable of handling the pandemic. He articulated expertise through a technocratic bodily performance, presenting himself as a cosmopolitan leader with international symbols of power like neutral-colored suits and elegant surroundings. At the same time, he also articulated himself as an authentic politician by showing his Facebook followers backstage imagery like a disorganized table and by showing himself as a busy man and an exceptionally hard worker. By illuminating the visual performance of technocratic populism, it offers insight into how technocratic populists constitute the expertise that their success rests on and that can also pose a threat to democratic societies, especially in a time of crisis.
  • Rapeli, Lauri; Mattila, Vesa Mikko; Papageorgiou, Achillefs (2020)
    Turnout and party choice are widely held to be habitual, but little attention has been paid to factors that disrupt the pattern. Good health is an important determinant of political behaviour and a key component in the quality of life. Based on the developmental theory of turnout, we hypothesize that declining health lowers voting propensity over the life course. We employ issue ownership theory to assume that declining health increases the likelihood of voting for leftist parties. Using the British Household Panel Survey data, we show how deteriorating health significantly lowers the propensity to vote, but if a person in poor health votes, she is more likely to support Labour than the Conservatives. As expected by the developmental theory, major life events, such as declining health, affect voting propensity. Results also support issue ownership theory: declining health increases Labour voting which implies that British voters turn to the party that owns the health issue when the issue becomes salient.
  • Ylä-Anttila, Tuomas; Gronow, Antti; Karimo, Aasa; Goodman, James; da Rimini, Francesca (2020)
    The Treadmill of Production Theory (TPT) argues that in advanced capitalist societies, business organizations, trade unions, and state actors form a constellation that prioritizes economic growth over environmental concerns. We combine this perspective with the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and use methods of social network analysis, survey data on key organizations in Finland and Australia, and in-depth interviews to map the policy network structures that resist low carbon transitions, and identify potential for change in these structures. We find that a coalition of economic, labor, and governmental organizations resists a low carbon transition in both countries. However, we also find several possible avenues of incremental change through changes in the network structures and the beliefs held by actors in the networks. Theoretically, this suggests that the TPT is correct in its diagnosis of the current situation, but the ACF may be a more fruitful perspective for identifying potential for change.