Browsing by Subject "5172 Global Politics"

Sort by: Order: Results:

Now showing items 1-20 of 26
  • Kortti, Jukka Petteri; Lounasmeri, Lotta Inari (2020)
    This article examines political campaign films from the point of view of propaganda to explore how this idea fits into the context of a democratic Nordic nation. During the Cold War, Finland was governed by Urho Kekkonen as President for 25 years (1956–81). The authors look at Kekkonen’s campaign films to see how his public image was meticulously planned and systematically shaped to create an almost mythical figure. The political and media context in which these films were presented is also analysed to understand how Eastern and Western influences affected the content and style of persuasion in the films. As a result, they find a bricolage of propagandistic influences from both sides of the Iron Curtain.
  • Kallström, Agneta; Häkkinen, Mikko; al-Abdulla, Orwa; Juusola, Hannu; Kauhanen, Jussi (2021)
    Health care is attacked in many contemporary conflicts despite the Geneva Conventions. The war in Syria has become notorious for targeted violence against health care. This qualitative study describes health care workers’ experi-ences of violence using semi-structured interviews (n = 25) with professionals who have been working in Syria. The participants were selected using a snow-ball sampling method and interviewed in Turkey and Europe between 2016– 2017. Analysis was conducted using content analysis. Results revealed that the most destructive and horrific forms of violence health care workers have experienced were committed mostly by the Government of Syria and the Islamic State. Non-state armed groups and Kurdish Forces have also committed acts of violence against health care, though their scope and scale were con-sidered to have a lower mortality. The nature of violence has evolved during the conflict: starting from verbal threats and eventually leading to hospital bomb-ings. Health care workers were not only providers of health care to injured demonstrators, they also participated in non- violent anti-government actions. The international community has not taken action to protect health care in Syria. For health workers finding safe environments in which to deliver health care has been impossible.
  • Rajan, Vishnu Vardhani; Gadhavi, Shyam; Jauhola, Marjaana (Routledge, 2021)
    Routledge Advances in Art and Visual Studies
  • Tynkkynen, Veli-Pekka (2020)
    By examining how power is constructed and maintained in Russia with the help of hydrocarbons—oil and gas—this article shows why this system is detrimental to Russia in the context of global environmental, technological, and geopolitical changes. While promoting a hydrocarbon culture as central to national identity, the Kremlin has failed to adapt to the global transition toward renewable energy. But external actors such as the European Union could encourage change from within to develop Russia’s untapped potential as a green power, given its vast endowments of renewable resources.
  • Gonzalez, Nidia; Kröger, Markus (2020)
    Este artículo contrasta dos sistemas de conocimiento: el de las comunidades indígenas habitantes del bosque y el de la gobernanza forestal. Nuestra aproximación parte de un enfoque que pretende trascender los límites de los sujetos y objetos de la investigación forestal clásica, se trata de una reflexión crítica estructurada en tres partes. Luego de la introducción y del apartado metodológico, se ilustran las asimetrías de poder entre estos dos sistemas de conocimiento. Posteriormente, se hace un análisis de las definiciones oficiales de bosque, más frecuentemente utilizadas en el escenario de la gobernanza forestal, y se les compara con aquellas provenientes del sistema de conocimiento indígena. Finalmente, el artículo demuestra que el reduccionismo de la racionalidad de las políticas forestales del último siglo es producto de una falta de apertura hacia concepciones milenarias usadas por las comunidades del bosque. Una gobernanza plural requiere diálogo focalizado en rescatar el impacto político de las prácticas locales y cómo estas pueden representar los primeros pasos hacia la generación de alternativas, en las cuales se aprecie cómo la gestión forestal no solo se relaciona con la reducción de emisiones, sino que también está íntimamente ligada a la seguridad alimentaria, la agroforistería y la protección a la biodiversidad
  • Kangasluoma, Sohvi (2021)
    The role of emotions within extractive industries has been acknowledged and embraced in recent years, though security studies research on it remains limited. This article argues that to better understand narratives of everyday security, the role of emotions should be acknowledged. I focus on an Arctic locality in northern Norway, and on local experiences and emotions surrounding everyday securities and insecurities of having an oil and gas production site nearby. The Arctic oil and gas industry is important economically for local communities; however, it also accelerates global climate change. The article scrutinizes interviews collected from local people and concludes that security narratives are complex and conflicted, portraying various stories about having the petroleum industry in one's neighbourhood. The narratives express concern and worry for the environment while expressing gratitude to the economic benefits of the industry. The Arctic communities have been tied to the global oil and gas market while being forced to find new means to cope with the change. Contributing to the wider discussion on the local security impacts of extractivist projects, as well as further developing the concept of human security, I argue that the role of emotions cannot be ignored.
  • Durante, Francesco; Kröger, Markus; LaFleur, Will (Routledge, 2021)
    Routledge Studies of the Extractive Industries and Sustainable Development
    This chapter provides an etymological and ontological overview of the roots of extraction and global extractivisms. Since the 2000s, extractivisms have intensified, becoming ever-more global, promulgated by land and resource rushes. Meanwhile, the academic use of the concept of extractivism has expanded from mining to new arenas like agriculture, forestry, finance, and even digital realms. We provide an analysis of the underlying etymologies and ‘onto-logics’ of extractivism to illuminate a mindset and practice that is increasingly pervasive in the operations of extraction and the modern world system. We also highlight some forms of on-the-ground resistance to this onto-logic to emphasize the violence it inheres and the defiance it spurs. The extractivist logic continues to expand into arenas where the extent of the infiltration of extractivist modes of operations has only recently been recognized. We suggest ways forward in the agenda of analyzing extraction, global extractivisms, and violence.
  • Jääskeläinen, Jaakko J.; Höysniemi, Sakari Hannu; Syri, Sanna; Tynkkynen, Veli-Pekka (2018)
    Studies on energy security in the context of relations between European Union (EU) and Russia tend to focus on cases, with an open conflict related to supply, such as “hard” energy weapons, or on only one fuel, often natural gas. However, there is a need to understand the long-term impacts that energy relations have politically, economically and physically, and their linkages between resilience, sustainability and security. We analyse the Finnish-Russian energy relations as a case study, as they are characterised by a non-conflictual relationship. To assess this complex relationship, we apply the interdependence framework to analyse both the energy systems and energy strategies of Finland and Russia, and the energy security issues related to the notable import dependence on one supplier. Moreover, we analyse the plausible development of the energy trade between the countries in three different energy policy scenarios until 2040. The findings of the article shed light on how the trends in energy markets, climate change mitigation and broader societal and political trends could influence Russia’s energy trade relations with countries, such as Finland. Our analysis shows that Finland’s dependence on primary energy imports does not pose an acute energy security threat in terms of sheer supply, and the dependence is unlikely to worsen in the future. However, due to the difficulty in anticipating societal, political, and economic trends, there are possible developments that could affect Finland.
  • Caruso, Giuseppe; Teivainen, Teivo (2020)
    Various social movement debates on organizational design have hinged on the possibility and political usefulness of devising post-representational, a-representational or anti-representational spaces. We analyse organizational options and obstacles that the WSF faces. A denial of representational dynamics may leave internal power and structural imbalances unattended. We raise the question whether the WSF process can intersect the current instances of activism across the planet including the climate justice movement. We explore its changing attitudes toward representational decision-making. Finally, we suggest that the relationship between traditional organization-building and internet-mediated decision-making practices developing at the intersection between the local, the global and the virtual could be debated on the road to the next global WSF, likely to take place in Mexico.
  • Kuosmanen, Sonja (2021)
    The promotion of human rights has faced challenges in recent years in the United States and elsewhere. In this study, human rights discourses are examined in the context of strategic foreign policy rhetoric by the United States. The routine of foreign policy statements is meant to create audiences receptive to U.S. foreign policy aims, but also reveals underlying ideologies and assumptions. The analysis examines U.S. State Department Human Rights Country Reports between 2000 and 2019. The results show that the assumed ideal model of human rights is heavily based on U.S. political tradition. The performance of other countries is evaluated against the 'exceptionalist' U.S. model without consideration of different cultural or societal contexts. Linguistic choices are made to highlight the agency of authorities and events, which can be seen as a strategy of diplomatic face-saving. In some cases, countries are evaluated on an unequal basis based on political expediency.
  • Forji Amin, George (2021)
    Until the 1990s, there was a longstanding disdain on Marxism amongst jurists especially international lawyers, with non-Soviet international lawyers only paying scant attention or lip service to Marxist thinking, based on a number of misgivings. Firstly, reminiscing of legal history in general, Marxism was perceived as activism reserved for a distant past and irrelevant to the present and future. Secondly, Marxism was long perceived as the prerogative of nonjurists, most especially as Marx himself did not pay attention to jurisprudence. Moreover, Marxism was throughout the cold war period generally associated with the Soviet Union. Any legal analysis from a Marxist perspective was tantamount to being misinterpreted as a defence for Soviet communism—a derogatory position for any scholar in the West at the time. Lastly, although many Soviet publicists did examine Marxism in their studies, Soviet international law was however often excluded from mainstream considerations —and framed as alternative international law rather than conventional discourse. With Soviet International law restricted to rules consented or acquiesced to by states (at least in principle), the Soviet brand of international law was perceived in the West as the most extreme form of positivism.
  • Kissinger, Gabrielle; Brockhaus, Maria; Bush, Simon R. (2021)
    The Vietnamese National REDD + Action Plan (NRAP) seeks to reduce emissions from forest clearing and land use, especially from the main drivers of coffee and rubber commodity expansion. Achieving the NRAP goals, however, means negotiating a complex and fragmented forest policy arena, with conflicting sector goals, disconnects between global and local ambition and action, and imbalanced power dynamics between actors. We map the fragmentation of this policy arena and explore the extent to which the NRAP is able to integrate policy responses to drivers to achieve emissions reductions. We examine what the NRAP sought to integrate, what was not taken into account, what is integrated at which scale, and which actors are part of integration (or not) across the policy process components. We conclude that if policy integration does not affect a ?whole of government? shift in priorities or change in mandate among driver sectors, fragmented policy arenas will persist and forest based climate mitigation objectives will not be achieved.
  • Hurri, Karoliina (2020)
    Developed countries, defined in the global climate negotiations as the Annex I countries, have been expected to take the lead in tackling climate change. However, given the severity of climate change, reducing China’s emissions is critical. China is a developing country with world’s highest emissions and a leader in the renewable sector. Hence, outside expectations for China’s climate action have been growing. Through constructivist role theory, the article researched what external expectations there are for China’s potential climate leadership role. The leadership ex-pectations of developed countries were examined from the UN climate conference high-level segment statements from 2016 to 2018. Results of the discourse analysis explain the expecta-tions in six storylines: 1) all parties are placed on the same line, 2) the dichotomy of developing and developed countries is deconstructed, 3) the position of developing countries is highlighted, 4) China has a greater responsibility than non-Annex or a regular party, 5) China is recognized as a climate actor, and 6) China is excluded as a major player. The expectations recognize China’s structural climate leadership but acknowledging China as a global climate leader might pose a role conflict for the developed countries. The conclusion suggests that this acknowledgement would require developed countries to rethink their own climate leadership and assign the role with China
  • Heinikoski, Saila (2020)
    Professor of Politics Emeritus at New York University, Martin A Schain, shows in The Border: Policy and Politics in Europe and the United States that border and migration management in the European Union (EU) and the United States of America (US) are not as different as we might think. He illustrates similarities in the attempts to curb undocumented migration and simultaneous efforts to attract labour force. The period of the book spans from the 1990s to 2017-2018, depending on the topic. It provides an outline of border management and migration in Europe and the US, with plenty or numerical data and overview of legal and political changes in approaches to migration.
  • Jauhola, Marjaana (Helsinki University Press, 2020)
    Pro et Contra
  • Koskimaa, Vesa (2020)
    This study critically assesses the claim of the cartel party theory that the party in central office (PCO) has lost its powers to the party in public office (PPO) as parties have adapted to various changes in their operating 'environment'. The study argues that a party's tendency to adapt is conditioned by the party's 'genetic' heritage: if the PCO assumed a prominent position during the party's institutionalization, it can more likely stand against external pressures compared to a PCO that has been traditionally weak. The study compares the development (1983-2017) of two Finnish parties, which hail from polar 'genetic' traditions: a social democratic mass party and a conservative cadre party. The change of the party 'environment' has strongly supported PCO's decay. Unlike earlier longitudinal studies on intra-party power balance, the study assesses all significant power dimensions and finds a contradictory development: while the distribution of leadership positions and resources increasingly favour the PPO in both parties, significant 'genetic' differences in the distribution of formal decision-making power have not diminished at all. If statutory regulations matter, the results suggest that the PPO cannot 'insulate' like the cartel model expects in parties where the PCO's strong role has been strictly codified.
  • Koch, Natalie; Tynkkynen, Veli-Pekka (2021)
    This article examines recent renewable energy initiatives in two hydrocarbon rich states of Eurasia: Kazakhstan and Russia. The global nature of challenges surrounding energy and natural resource use demand that sustainability and “energy transition” policies be understood as geopolitical issues, which are increasingly (re)defining political relations among and within states. Existing research and media coverage of international energy politics in Eurasia is overwhelmingly dominated by a focus on oil and gas extraction, especially in Kazakhstan and Russia, due to their central place in traditional hydrocarbon fuels markets. As elsewhere in the world, however, political and economic leaders in both countries have started to adopt the language of promoting environmental sustainability, the “green economy,” and renewable energy infrastructures. Taking a critical geopolitics lens to recent developments, this article considers who is involved in advancing renewable energy in contexts that have traditionally been dependent on traditional energy sources, and what this may portend for the shifting energy landscape of Eurasia.
  • Eskelinen, T.; Ylönen, Matti (2020)
    The contemporary world continues to suffer from a number of social problems that are global in scope but impact the Global South disproportionately. While broad and coordinated policy responses to overcome these problems exist, such policies are not shaped solely by the political will to address the problems. On the contrary, their content largely depends on how societies in general and the social problems in particular are routinely explained and conceptualized. We refer to these as explanatory tendencies or paradigms of explanation. As complex problems always have multiple root causes with long causal chains, explanations of these causes necessarily involve some assumptions about relevant causalities. Typically, the main choice in explaining international politics relates to the extent to which social phenomena should be explained by domestic institutions, decisions and events. Social science in general has been noted to have a bias toward a "nationalist" approach to explanation [Beck, 2007; Brenner, 1999; Gore, 1993; Pogge, 2002]. This means treating the state as the primary and even sufficient object of analysis, so that problems are explained by the malfunctioning institutions and misinformed policies of states. Such explanatory biases become naturalized in everyday politics and social analysis [Amin, 2004]. While this has been widely discussed as an epistemological issue, the interplay between international organizations and explanatory tendencies has received less attention. The present article addresses this gap. We argue that explanatory tendencies and biases should not be treated exclusively as an epistemological matter. They need to be accompanied by an analysis of the role of international organizations as both influenced by an explanatory tendency and upholding it. Paradigms of explanation are reflected in the priorities and relative powers of international organizations, as their very structure can reflect particular explanatory tendencies. As an example, we will use the ascent and descent of the United Nations work on the power of multinational enterprises.