Browsing by Subject "Critical Discourse Analysis"

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  • Myllyoja, Markus (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This Master’s thesis explored the British national identity in the early phases of the Brexit process in the years 2017–2018. The aim of the study was to examine whether a new non-EU British identity which could be detected in the speeches by Prime Minister Theresa May and what kinds of linguistic devices were employed in the construction of such identity. I approached these questions with a triangulating method which finds its home in Critical Discourse Analysis. The data consisted of transcriptions of May’s three speeches: the first one was given in London in January 2017, the second one in Florence, Italy in September in 2017 and the third one again in London in March 2018, as a storm prevented May from traveling to Manchester. I attempted to observe the respective temporal and spatial contexts, as well as the imagined audience in my analysis. I first conducted a quantitative analysis of the data by employing the Appraisal Framework developed by Martin and White. This framework is designed to recognise value positions encased in a text. It is based on Systemic Functional Linguistics and Bakhtin’s ideas on dialogic language. I.e. it views language as a semiotic system of inter-referential signs which is constructed in interaction. I applied the framework to the extent of Engagement. This category of the framework is specifically concerned with dialogic utterances. In the qualitative analysis, I applied several social scientific approaches and concepts related to questions of nation and national identity. In terms of dialogic language, the results displayed that over time May’s speeches began to contain less contractive utterances in which one would exclude other positions from the discourse. At the same time, there was an increase of expansive utterances in which one would allow other positions to seem plausible or neutral. In other words, May seemed to opt for a more conciliatory tone as Brexit visibly decelerated. When it comes to national identity, it would seem like a crucial concept for a state looking for less integrated international co-operation especially if pursuit of national sovereignty is presented as the main reason behind the endeavour. However, this study implies that May’s speeches did not offer elements which a new national identity could have been built upon. In the light of previous research on national identity, they would have evidently needed to contain more emotion-laden language.
  • Määttä, Simo K. (Ens editions, 2023)
  • Louhivuori, Anna Eveliina (2010)
    According to Ulrich Beck's theory of reflexive modernisation people today suffer from insecurity and constant risks in all aspects of their life. A major factor dictating their individual biographies is their work. Work in today's world has become an essential ingredient in defining personal identities and relationships. For Beck as a consequence of the modern work environment new insecurities and inequalities in comparison to the industrial epoch have emerged; a development of risk biographies. This thesis examines how international professionals in the Greater Helsinki Region construct and negotiate the meaning of their work and the organisation of their work. Specifically, through the critical discourse analytic method of Norman Fairclough the focus of the research is on the impact of power and ideology of new capitalism on individual discourses. This is studied by exploring whether a shift emerges in the participants' discourses of their work during interviews pertaining to the new financial crises of the late 2000s as well as the impact of the effects of the information age. The data is supported by the method of reflexive social processes of participant observation. The analysis of the interviews shows that the individuals, in contrast to the theory of reflexive modernity, did not present themselves as insecure nor facing constant risk in their individual discourse of work; even during discussions of the new financial crisis. Instead, it was discovered that the participants constructed themselves as in control of their biographies, both disciplined and self-managed, in contrast to the volatility of the market forces. The observed feelings of self-management are in accordance with Fairclough's original thesis and demonstrate that the participants have internalised new capitalism's ideology of neo-liberalism, further propelling the cause of the capitalist market forces in their work places. By internalising this ideology the participants were found to be experiencing alienation, predicted by Karl Marx, struggling with the loss of meaning towards their work, as described by Max Weber and at risk of anomie discussed by Emile Durkheim.
  • Määttä, Simo K. (De Gruyter Mouton, 2022)
    Contributions to the Sociology of Language [CSL]
    Since many, if not most, of the early sources of critical approaches to discourse and ideology come from France, the parallel and sometimes divergent development of these concepts may help to explain some of the contradictions present in today’s theorizations and applications. This chapter provides a succinct account of the etymology, history, and evolution of the concepts from their first usage until the early years of French discourse analysis in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The focus rests on the similarities, overlaps, and coincidences in the theorizations of some of the most important thinkers for the critical study of discourse, particularly Michel Foucault and Michel Pêcheux. The goal is to explain how the theory of discourse and ideology is contingent upon the political and intellectual context and the relations between theorizations coming from different sources. The chapter concludes by arguing that the divergence of later approaches and the frequent difficulty of integrating discourse and ideology are due to different factors. These include the polysemy and diverse historical usages of the word discours in French and other languages and the fact that Foucault’s concept of discourse is a hybrid configuration integrating several contemporary ideas, including Althusserian considerations of ideology.
  • Lillqvist, Ella; Harju, Anu Annika (2018)
    With much contemporary discussion on social media and the ethics and transparency of the way they operate, this article examines the discursive processes of user engagement as Baudrillardian solicitation. The concept of solicitation allows us to conceptualize social media use as a transactional process whereby the user is enticed by a promise of a 'Gift' and thus lured into using a service or a product. Simultaneously, the very act of participation implicates the user, albeit unwittingly, in the sanctioning and legitimizing of the operational logic behind social media. Adopting a CDS perspective, we explore the ways in which Facebook entices users through discursive processes of solicitation. We analyse, making use of corpus linguistic tools, both Facebook corporate communication and user reactions. Our findings show that the user is enticed by foregrounding the value of participation for the user and promising four types of Gift: protection, freedom of expression, personal connection, and a general altruism on the part of the corporation. Thus, this study sheds light on how users are enticed discursively by the social media company and the ways in which they either accept the discourse or resist it.
  • Määttä, Simo Kalervo (2017)
    This paper analyzes the general impact and the potentially adverse effects of the use of English as a lingua franca (ELF) in a telephone-interpreted police interview in Finland, which was recorded and transcribed. The data were analyzed manually, both quantitatively and qualitatively. The analysis focuses on issues of mutual understanding and the organization of discursive flow from the interpreter’s perspective, using theoretical and methodological tools from conversation analysis, critical sociolinguistics, and critical discourse analysis. Examples of repair initiations and candidate understandings in the data, divided into three categories based on the degree of interpreter intervention in interaction, illustrate the interpreter’s prominent role as a coordinator of discursive flow and repairer of communication problems. However, while the LF-speaking interpreter shows accommodation to the ELF-speaking migrant’s linguistic resources, the outcome is not necessarily beneficial to the migrant. The service provider’s command of English complicates the interaction. Thus, in dialogue interpreting, ELF may function as an instrument of linguistic unfairness in ways that are often unpredictable. The representations that the interpreter constructs of the other participants as persons with limited linguistic and discursive resources play an important role in such processes. The peculiar features of telephone interpreting intersecting with issues related to ELF intensify such phenomena.
  • Määttä, Simo K.; Hall, Marika (De Gruyter Mouton, 2022)
    Contributions to the Sociology of Language [CSL]
  • Poikkeus, Jussi (Helsingin yliopisto, 2023)
    This study sought to find how the Japanese newspaper media address climate change and its impacts, and how they view the government’s decarbonization efforts. The study was also interested in finding what kind of energy sources do the newspaper media support and oppose to reduce the country’s emissions and especially, how do they see nuclear power’s role in this. To answer these questions, editorial articles of three newspapers were analyzed: Yomiuri Shimbun, Asahi Shimbun and Nihon Keizai Shimbun. The analysis contained eighteen editorial articles, six from each newspaper, and they were collected between 2020 and 2022. The analysis was conducted by using Fairclough’s three-dimensional approach, and it was divided into six sections: (1) Suga’s climate pledge on October 26, 2020, (2) the Green Growth Strategy on December 25, 2020, (3) the new emission reduction target by 2030 on April 22, 2021, (4) the Sixth Strategic Energy Plan on July 22, 2021, (5) the end of Glasgow Climate Change Conference on November 15, 2021, and (6) Kishida’s speech for nuclear power on August 24, 2022. The first section analyzed the papers response to the prime minister’s net-zero pledge, while the second section paid attention to the publication of the ministry’s Green Growth Strategy. The third section observed the paper’s stances toward the government’s decision to upgrade the country’s medium-term emission reduction target, and the fourth section analyzed the papers response to the publication of the Sixth Strategic Energy Strategy. The fifth section associated with the Glasgow Climate Change Conference and its commitments, while the final section was about the prime minister’s policy speech on expanding nuclear power. The findings of this study suggests that there are differing views on climate change and the government’s decarbonization measures among the country’s three largest newspapers. These views can roughly be divided into progressive, conservative, and semi-conservative groups, in which Asahi represents progressive, Yomiuri conservative, and Nikkei semi-conservative stance. Asahi addresses climate change with full seriousness, criticizing the government’s backwardness and calling for more ambitious climate policy. It sees renewables as the solution, strongly opposing nuclear power or coal-related energy sources. Yomiuri, on the other hand, takes more cautious approach towards climate issues, giving a rather indifferent impression at times. It gives its support for nuclear power yet does not exclude the possibility using of coal plants equipped with CCUS technology or ammonia co-firing. Nikkei’s stance on climate change is somewhere between these two yet clearly more conservative than progressive. It also supports nuclear power and coal-firing by alternative methods, but it shows more interests in renewables than its conservative competitor.
  • Määttä, Simo K.; Suomalainen, Karita; Tuomarla, Ulla (2020)
  • Omondi, Clarice Atieno (Helsingfors universitet, 2016)
    The function of the media to shape agenda in society has generated interest in many spheres of study. Media discourse is thought to be an integral factor in the coexistence of heterogeneous societies. The discourse in media can foster peace or ethnic conflicts. Studies focusing on newspaper discourse and ethnic conflicts have not been exhaustive. This paper presents the findings of an assessment on the ways through which media discourse may ignite or escalate ethnic conflicts. The analysis focuses on online newspaper editorials in Kenya. The study evaluates three newspapers: The Daily Nation, The Standard and The Star. The papers appear both online and in hard copy. The study analyses editorials from these newspapers between the year 2010 to 2016 using the theoretical framework of Critical Discourse Analysis postulated by Fairclough, Van Djik and Wodak. The study analyses the use of attributive words referring to certain ethnic communities while discussing issues affecting ethnic coexistence. A total of twenty articles are analyzed and the results indicate that The Star and The Standard newspapers adopted neutral and peace journalism which emphasizes harmonious and peaceful coexistence, whereas The Nation newspaper was found to publish opinions in a language that could inflame ethnic tensions. Most of the columns analyzed were found to be sensational, sometimes outrightly putting blames on one ethnic community, in effect creating the ’’otherness’’ and victimization. However, there was a patchwork of peace journalism in the paper. This journalism was dwarfed by the other many articles that preached hatred. The Standard and the Star newspapers mostly had columns that reasoned out with readers on the importance of analyzing issues using objectivity as opposed to ethnic prisms. The pattern of this tone was consistent in the Star Newspaper. In the Standard Newspaper, this pattern was interrupted with one article that sought to portray one community as oppressive against other Kenyans. The implication of the findings is that if the tone of discussion in online newspaper media platform is not regulated, it could lead to situations that may ignite and escalate ethnic conflicts because these discussions can influence the thoughts and perceptions of people. The discourse as used by The Nation Newspaper can agitate communities to fight against one another. The findings also imply that online newspapers can be strong instruments for fostering peace and tranquility in the community. The study has suggested that future research should expand the tools of data collection and analysis. This should include the use of tools like interview guides and questionnaires. The editorial policies of publishing houses should also be points of focus in future studies.
  • Mikkola, Aliisa (Helsingin yliopisto, 2018)
    The main purpose of this thesis was to describe rape myth prevalence in tabloid news online discussion; to describe the most common types of rape myths, rapes, rapists (e.g. ‘them’ and ‘us’) and victims (e.g. the naughty victim/ ideal/ innocent victim). Also, specific types of talking was analysed in order to identify meanings in talk that blames the victim (e.g. “questioning talk”) – also, talk that opposes mythical rape talk was analysed (“Against the myth”). As the main material, were comments (or texts) retrieved from articles discussing rape cases, as the source was a UK based tabloid news site The Daily Mail Online. Through establishing themes and categories for rape myths, rapes, rapists and victims, the material (user comments) was organized and analyzed – with help from tools ’borrowed’ from Critical Discourse Analysis and Critical Linguistics. Theories by Barthes, Fairclough, Butler and Halliday were applied for theoretical explanations. The following rape myths by Brownmiller and the Schwendingers’ were used as themes for categorization: “No woman can be raped without her will/ Rape is impossible”, “Rape is about sex/ Rape is caused by uncontrollable male sexuality/ imbalance in sex ratio causes rape”, “She was asking for it”, “If you’re going to be raped, you might as well relax and enjoy it”, “Rape in marriage is not that serious” and “Crying rape as an instrument of vengeance aka the ‘rape lie’”. The victim types were categorized as so; “the raped wife” (this victim type was not discussed as a separate victim type, but instead in relation to the myth of “rape in marriage is not that serious”), “the underage victim/ victim traveling alone” and “a victim traveling with a boyfriend/ a victim out alone and drinking”. Whereas the rapist types were grouped to themes of “the husband”, “the stranger”, and “the police officer”. The main conclusion summed up to a notion that mythical rape talk does prevail regarding certain victim types, especially “the raped wife”, “the underage victim”, “victim traveling alone” and “victim out alone and drinking”. Rape myths were identified in almost all article discussions, however only few victim types were considered as ‘innocent victims’ - the partly paralyzed woman in a hospital bed and a young girl raped during daytime. The innocence of these victims is reliant on the fact that no commenting was found that indicated to a use of a rape myth. In addition, rape as a form of structural violence was debated and gender norm associations with sexuality and with rape myth evolvement was in the center of this discussion, for example while discussing the habits in teaching girls how to ‘not get raped’. The notion of rape being a gendered social construct was found to be in the core of rape myth use, for example as a habit of encouraging towards a better internalization of so-called ‘rape avoidance strategies’.
  • Paz, María Soledad (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    Due to a recent substantial influx of Haitian immigrants, the Chilean government has had to adjust and react with a variety of policy changes especially in educational programs, health services and housing. The purpose of this thesis was to carry out qualitative research using critical discourse analysis (CDA) to identify meanings behind the way Chilean teachers talked about their everyday experiences of teaching immigrant students from Haiti. I was interested in what are the meanings attached to these experiences and how the teachers perceive this new reality of working in a more diverse environment. The community of teachers that I interviewed individually work in an adult-education secondary school in Chile. I chose this topic for two main reasons. First, this is a new reality in my home country. The new diversity in terms of population is a recent phenomenon of no more than ten years. As a student of the Master Program in Intercultural Encounters, my interest in research about education for immigrant-related issues increased enormously. Second, adult education generally attracts less academic interest compared to other types of education, but in Chile it has also been neglected by the authorities. I was theoretically committed to produce knowledge from a critical perspective. My data was obtained through semi-structured interviews carried out in Chile between November and December 2019. To analyze the data, I used Teun A. Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach to CDA. From my data, I identified four different meanings, namely, meaning of fulfillment, meaning of silence, meaning of resources and meaning of agency. These meanings were present in different ways in my data and I used them as a means to understand the way the teachers talked about their experiences. I argue that these four meanings best represent a clear relation between the three main elements of Van Dijk’s “discourse-cognition-society triangle” and discourse.
  • Terzic, Ibrahim (2008)
    The thesis provided an analysis of online media coverage of terrorist bombings in London in 2005. As the consequence of the attacks, the controversy over the link between Islam and Islamist terrorism loomed large in the mass media, effectively creating a number of media discourses. It was argued that media discourses have effects on socio-cultural and discourse practices of the readership. Thus, the discourse practice of media text production was the primary focus of analysis in the thesis. The data for the research was sourced from the online versions of Telegraph and The Guardian. The keywords for the search were Al-Qaeda. Each of the texts was published in the last three weeks of July 2005. The texts selected for the analysis included extensive reference to Islam and war, as the themes of religion and war were followed in the analysis. The research was carried out in the form of critical discourse analysis (CDA), with the focus on the concept of ideology as common sense, the majority-minority relations, the abuse of social power, manipulation, discrimination, inequality and cultural racism. The proponents of CDA state as their aim the uncovering of the connections between the use of language and the exercise of power, or how language works in the socio-cultural and discourse practices. The work of Norman Fairclough provided the main methodological and theoretical tenets for the thesis. In the data analysis, one of the primary aims was in the identification of the ‘ideational’, ‘interpersonal’ and ‘textual’ functions of the text: how the world and events were represented, how social subjects and the relationships between them were constructed and the sequential structure of the texts. The attention was also given to the presence of traces of ideological “common sense” assumptions, the employment of manipulative discourses, the intertextual use of other texts whereby a shared knowledge between the text producer and the text consumer was presupposed in the construction of the intertextual context. The results of the analysis pointed out to a sharp distinction between the texts from The Guardian and those from Telegraph. The Telegraph texts featured discursive strategies whereby the problem of terrorism was constructed chiefly in the domain of religion and the responsibility for the attacks was seemingly allocated to wider Muslim communities. The discursive subjects and the inter-subject relationships were also constructed along the lines of religion. The subject relationships suggested high degrees of demonization of the Other. The ‘war on terrorism’ was generally viewed as preventive against terrorism. The discursive strategies of the Telegraph authors also contained attempts at ideological common sense construction and suggestions of unequal power relations on the ethnic majority-minority level. The texts sourced from The Guardian generally constructed terrorism in the domain of religious extremism, effectively allocating the responsibility for the attacks to the smaller groups of extremists within the Muslim world. The ‘war o terror’ was generally constructed as the motivating factor for the Islamist terrorist groups. The construction of subjects and inter-group relations in the texts tended to be made mainly along the lines of citizenship and did not suggest demonization of the Other or any support for differential treatment of minorities.
  • Mäkipää, Mia (Helsingfors universitet, 2016)
    Pro gradu -tutkielmassa analysoidaan kuutta Israelin boikotointiin kannustavaa nettisivua. Tutkielman tavoitteena on selvittää, millaisia ryhmiä nettisivuilla esiintyy ja millaisia toimijuuksia näille ryhmille annetaan. Tutkielmassa hyödynnetään kriittisen diskurssianalyysin teoriaa. Analyysin työkaluna on M.A.K. Hallidayn transitiivisuusanalyysi, jonka avulla teksteissä esiintyvät verbit jaotellaan neljään eri ryhmään. Tutkielma selvittää, mikä verbiryhmä on kunkin nettisivuilla esitetyn ryhmän yleisin, ja tällä tavalla tuottaa tietoa siitä, kuvataanko ryhmät olevina, puhuvina, ajattelevina ja tuntevina vai tekevinä yksikköinä. Tämä taas auttaa hahmottamaan sitä, miten ryhmiä kuvataan toimijoina. Nettisivuilta nousee esiin neljä eri ryhmää, joiden toimia nettisivuilla kuvataan. Ensimmäinen ryhmä koostuu Israelin valtiosta, hallituksesta, poliitikoista, armeijasta ja kansalaisista sekä Israelin tukijoista. Toinen ryhmä pitää sisällään nettisivujen kirjoittajat, aktivistit ja protestoijat, jotka ajavat taloudellisia ja poliittisia sanktioita Israelille. Tähän ryhmään kuuluvat myös erinäiset ihmisryhmät ja yksilöt, joiden koettiin sivustoilla tukevan nettisivujen kirjoittajien agendaa tai muutoin osoittavan solidaarisuutta palestiinalaisia kohtaan. Kolmannessa ryhmässä ovat palestiinalaiset ja Palestiinalaisalueet sekä Palestiinan poliittiset ryhmittymät. Neljäs ryhmä on lukija, jota puhutellaan nettisivuilla. Tutkimuksesta selviää, että nettisivujen teksteissä lukijaa pyydetään mukaan toimintaan ja häntä kehotetaan tutustumaan Israelin ja Palestiinan välisen konfliktin taustoihin, osoittamaan solidaarisuutta ja seisomaan, kirjaimellisesti ja vertauskuvallisesti, boikotteja ajavien ryhmittymien joukossa. Tutkimus erittelee näin nettisivujen kirjoittajien erilaisia keinoja mobilisoida nettisivuja lukeva yksilö osaksi boikotointiliikettä myös internetin ulkopuolella. Tutkimus osoittaa, että boikotteihin kehottavien nettisivujen tekijöinä esiintyy pääasiallisesti kaksi ryhmää. Toinen tekijäryhmä on Israel ja siihen liitetyt henkilöt ja yritykset, ja sen vastavoimana esiintyvät nettisivujen kirjoittajat sekä heidän tukijansa. Verbiprosessien subjektien analysointi paljasti, että tekijät olivat harvoin yksilöitä ja useimmiten valtioita, yrityksiä ja nimeämättömiä liikkeitä tai ihmismassoja. Tutkimus osoittaa myös nettisivujen kirjoittajien monimutkaisen suhteen israelilaisiin tukijoihinsa sekä palestiinalaiseen Hamas-järjestöön. Tutkimuksesta käy ilmi, että nettisivujen tarkoitus on esitellä boikotointiliikkeen toimintaa ja houkutella lukija osallistumaan boikotointiin erilaisin keinoin. Tutkimus osoittaa myös, että nettisivut pyrkivät tarjoamaan väkivallattoman vaihtoehdon Palestiinan ja Israelin välisen konfliktin ratkaisuun.
  • Smith, Adam Oliver (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    Following the development of effective vaccines against COVID-19, a global access gap has emerged, with wealthier countries receiving the vast majority of vaccines and therapeutics. The governments of several lower-income countries have since identified a major cause of this gap to be intellectual property arrangements governing the development of pharmaceutical products. In response, these countries submitted a proposal within the World Trade Organization’s TRIPS Council to waive specific elements of the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights in relation to COVID-19 vaccines and therapeutics. Since then, a small number of wealthy countries where most major vaccine producers are located have resisted calls to pass the Waiver, thus maintaining intellectual property restrictions and limiting access to vaccines. This thesis explores the discursive nature of the arguments put forward against the Waiver within the institutional context of the WTO TRIPS Council from October 2020 to December 2021. It applies the Critical Discourse Analysis approach to identify several discourses that characterise the nature of opposition to the TRIPS Waiver, to explain how these shape political outcomes and delimit courses of effective action and resistance. These discourses are interpreted through the theoretical lens of Achille Mbembe’s necropolitics, which posits that sovereign power is increasingly based on the ability to decide who is worthy of life and who can be subjected to death, with racism and neoliberal market logics being the twin technologies of necropolitical violence. The thesis relies on primary material sourced from hundreds of pages of meeting minutes from the TRIPS Council, where opponents to the Waiver lay out their arguments and discursively construct their opposition in ways that are consistent with the necropolitical reading of global politics and structural violence. This thesis analyses this primary material in conjunction with secondary material from the pharmaceutical industry, uncovering discursive parallels that unveil the neoliberal logics that fuel opposition to the TRIPS Waiver. This thesis concludes that opposition to the TRIPS Waiver is both a driver and a symptom of a planetary renewal of colonial relations, in which neoliberal discourses around health have served to keep lifesaving treatments out of reach to those who cannot afford them during a deadly pandemic. The implications of necropolitical discourses around healthcare access for both democracy and for the future of the pandemic are fatal.
  • Sundell, Caisa (Helsingin yliopisto, 2023)
    In the last several decades, the abortion debate has grown increasingly controversial and polarized worldwide. The citizens’ initiative OwnWill2020, which aimed to update the Finnish Act on Induced Abortion, sparked the discussion in Finland as well. By examining abortion discourse in the Finnish parliament, this thesis aims to get a view of the meanings of abortion in Finland at this time of legislative change. The material consists of the speeches in the minutes of the referral debate on the citizens’ initiative OwnWill2020. These are analyzed by Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis framework. The thesis draws on concepts such as biopower and subject positions from Michel Foucault. These concepts, together with feminist and feminist Foucauldian theory on the politics of the body and reproductive rights, situate the debate on reproductive rights as a site of power and negotiation. The findings revealed three main abortion discourses: the self-determination discourse, the child’s rights discourse and the woman’s well-being discourse. The most significant difference in the discourses was their meanings of the embryo/fetus. Two of the discourses were built on biopower, while the third discourse criticized it. By ascribing subject positions to the pregnant person and the embryo/fetus, the three abortion discourses produce new norms of pregnancy and motherhood. The results of the thesis suggest that Finland’s position as a model country in gender equality is questionable, at least based on the utterances of Finnish Members of Parliament.
  • Lakka, Päivi (Helsingin yliopisto, 2018)
    This pro gradu thesis discusses the information war during the Ukraine conflict in 2014. In particular, it examines the production of enemy images in the Finnish and Russian online media articles. The role and significance of communication in national defense has increased significantly in recent years. In many aspects, information warfare has in fact returned to the core of modern warfare. The importance of conquering territory has lost its significance to operating in cyberspace. The term information war as understood in this thesis is characterized by the battle over information and the minds of people. The winner is therefore the one who creates the best narrative to support themselves and justify their action. After the escalation of the events in The Maidan demonstration in the center of the Ukrainian capital Kiev in November 2013, it soon became evident how Russia and the Western media both covered the conflict from remarkably different perspectives, all building their own narrative behind the events. This thesis focuses on two particular epochs in year 2014: the annexation of Crimea in March and the Russian aid convoy crossing the Ukraine border in August. The data consist of 64 randomly selected editorial articles from four media: Finnish public broadcasting company Yleisradio, Finnish tabloid newspaper Ilta-Sanomat, the Russian news channel Russia Today and the Russian news agency Sputnik International. This research focuses especially on the hidden power of media discourse (Norman Fairclough) and the main objective is the de-neutralization of the discourses of “the other” used in these media texts to represent “the other”. The method used for this study is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), concentrating on role of language as being shaped by the society and shaping the society. CDA aims particularly at revealing the power relations behind discursive conventions. The main discourses found in this study were the discourses of military threat (1), truth (2), externality (3) and megalomania (4). The discourse of hypocrisy (5) solely appeared in the Russian media, whereas the discourse of despotism (6) was only used by the Finnish media. The prevalence of the four main discourses in the four media analyzed was surprisingly equal. However, there was more difference on a national level, as Ilta-Sanomat and Russia Today represented ”the other” clearly more actively with the help of these discourses compared to Yle and Sputnik. All in all, the representations of “the Other” in all the four media analyzed can be described as extremely negative.