Browsing by Subject "Global Development Studies"

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  • Baloch, Suvi (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    Violence against women is a deep-rooted global injustice, yet it is less often scrutinized as a category of political economy. In this research relating to human rights advocacy in Pakistan, I seek to do so. I study the ways in which local women's rights organizations attempt to hold state to account for eliminating the malice and removing its structural causes. In particular, I examine how feminist constructions of VAW and advocacy practices towards curbing it take part in the politics of development. The research is based on fieldwork which I conducted in the mid-2010's in urban Pakistan. Interviews with 17 informants representing 12 women's rights groups, NGOs and government agencies constitute the primary data. I use ethnographic lens in mapping the organizational field, yet my main deconstructive method is critical discourse analysis. The research is underpinned by post-development theory, postcolonial feminist critique, anthropology of modernity and feminist violence research. The findings consist of three discourses and two developmental logics. Each discourse explains VAW as an issue of individual infringement of rights and a question of state structures with a distinct orientation – those of gender equity, legal protection and political reform. The discourses are rooted in 'human rights developmentalism' and neoliberalism, yet they are still locally contingent in varied ways. The developmental logics of 'saviorism in solidarity' and 'commonsense hope' render visible ways in which the organizations deploy civilisation narrative and an unquestioned hope in aid's capacity to deliver 'development' as political resources. I argue that the discourses construct VAW by reference to apolitical notions of 'backwardness' not only to justify organizational advocacy practices that center upon delivering "higher awareness and morals" to the "ignorant masses". Instead, such notions contribute to building a counter discourse to the misogynous state ideology as well as an alternative political space that enables women's rights organizations persevere in Pakistan. While the discourses fail the 'beneficiaries' of aid by upholding empty developmentalist promises, they nevertheless do not exacerbate VAW. The research suggests that development ideologies, albeit contributing to global inequalities, may serve as meaningful political tools for undoing local adversities.
  • Autio, Maria (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    This thesis examines the contemporary relations between the European Union and Africa in the context of the Post-Cotonou Agreement, which will guide the relations for the next 20 years. The current European Commission has expressed an aspiration to shift the relations towards representing an equal partnership. This thesis studies how the objective materializes in practice. It explores the changes introduced by the Post-Cotonou Agreement and examines how the agreement and its negotiations succeed in representing the relations as an equal partnership. The study focuses on the agreement’s aspects of development policy, examining how matters of political conditionality and ownership impact the relations. It also explores the motivations behind European Union-Africa development policy. To answer these questions, the study analyses the negotiated agreement text of the Post-Cotonou Agreement and its predecessor, the Cotonou Partnerships Agreement. In addition, it analyses published texts focusing on the agreement and its negotiations, mostly written by academics and officials who have followed the negotiation process closely. Both the agreements and the published texts are analyzed through qualitative content analysis. The analysis shows that the changes brought by the Post-Cotonou Agreement are mainly rhetorical. It puts increased emphasis on terms that underline the equalness of the partnership but pays even less attention to the ownership of African countries than its predecessor. The involvement of political conditionality raised debate in the negotiations, bringing forward how they undermine the partnerships agenda. Nevertheless, they have received even more recognition in the new agreement, as was desired by the European Union. The agreement also presents additional thematic contents that many African countries were against in the negotiations. The findings on the negotiation process highlight the existing power imbalances in the relations, as the European Union was able to use its leverage to negotiate better terms in matters it perceives important. However, the African side was stricter than before in holding on to its objectives in the negotiations, which shows its improved position in them. Yet, the analysis finds that Africa’s position was anticipated to be significantly better than it was, but certain intra-African disputes and hopes to maintain continuity of development funding were observed to deteriorate it. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the European Union’s rhetoric about equalizing the relations, contemporary European Union-Africa relations do not represent an equal partnership. The findings suggest that the European Union is more interested in promoting its global image and self-interests than it is in equalizing the relations with Africa, demonstrating how the Union’s attitudes towards Africa have remained largely similar as before. The Post-Cotonou Agreement and its negotiations provide a clear example of the structural dependence between Africa and the European Union that impairs possibilities for a profound change in the relations.
  • Pousi, Matti August Oskari (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    The ecological crisis is ravaging the planet. Governments and businesses have set carbon neutrality targets as part of a necessary green transformation. One promising negative emission technology is based on biochar, which has created excitement in the voluntary carbon markets. However, the voluntary carbon markets and carbon sequestration with biochar both stand at a crossroads. There is currently no regulation that would govern the markets. Only voluntary standardizations and the sellers and buyers’ conscience provide directions for the quality of offsets and real carbon cuts achieved. In addition, the production of high-quality biochar remains at a low level. This thesis contributes to the research on green transformations by examining critically the expectations and promises related to biochar and voluntary carbon markets. The focus of this study is on the framings and discourses related to the role of biochar and the voluntary carbon markets in low-carbon pathways. The main research question is: What are the different narratives and perspectives on the role of biochar and voluntary carbon markets in sustainable low-carbon pathways? To answer this, I have identified and interviewed the main actors and stakeholders in the supply chain of biochar-based offsets as well as analyzed key policy and research documents that take part in the biochar offset related discourses. The research approach draws from two theoretical frameworks: the sustainable pathways approach developed by Melissa Leach, Ian Scoones, and Andy Stirling and Maarten Hajer’s critical discourse analysis on environmental policy. These frameworks are used to analyze the informant interviews and policy and research documents. It is found out that there are five discursive patterns shaping the discourses related to biochar and the voluntary carbon markets: biochar as a magic bullet, market-led low-carbon pathway, techno-managerialism, traces of more transformative greening, and climate-centrism. Techno-managerialism is the most distinctive feature of the biochar and voluntary carbon market discourse. Together, the five patterns shape the way in which biochar and the voluntary carbon markets are perceived, how policy problems related to them are defined and framed, and finally, what type of policy solutions are formulated.
  • Tarvainen, Liina (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    Uganda’s recent oil discoveries have been described as one of the largest onshore findings in Africa within the past 20 years. It has been estimated that there are 6.5 billion barrels of oil in the Albertine Graben, of which about 1.4 are recoverable. Since the foreign and national stakeholders have launched their oil investment projects, concerns around human and environmental rights violations have been raised internally and internationally. Whereas much scientific work has been produced on oil in Africa, most of this can be placed under the concise umbrella of resource blessing and resource curse. The approach of ‘extractivism’ has come to challenge this simplistic dichotomy, but most of the work about extractivism focuses on Latin America. This thesis, thus, contributes to this growing body of literature. It does so by investigating the discourses that the Ugandan state and the transnational corporation TotalEnergies utilize to promote extractivism in Uganda. More specifically, this thesis aims to answer two questions, namely, what justification methods does the Ugandan state use to legitimate oil extractivism in the Lake Albertine region, and how does the oil corporation Total reproduce narratives of extractivist mindset in legitimizing its operations in the Albertine Graben? Data were collected from policy documents, newspaper articles, and website material. The methods of critical discourse analysis and content analysis and the approaches of extractivism and postcolonialism are applied. The findings show that the Ugandan state legitimates oil through five discourses, namely: economic arguments, employment and social arguments, no substantial ecological effects arguments; statements for energy poverty, energy security, and just transition; and stigmatizing critics arguments. Total uses three distinct discourses, namely, self-regulation and best practice, social and developmental arguments, and no substantial ecological effects arguments. These discourses, while reproducing the extractivist mindset, should be taken seriously as they have severe implications for the wider world.
  • Käkönen, Mira (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This is a study of expertise and power relations in riverine resourcification processes. With a focus on hydraulic infrastructuring and hydrosocial ordering efforts in the Mekong Region, I seek to contribute new perspectives to the analysis of water, energy and climate change governing. The central research question is how water resources are made and governed in the Mekong Region and with what effects, especially in terms of the consequent new power formations and implications for the lives of the Mekong’s riverine residents. This question is timely. Currently, the rivers in the region are being dammed and engineered at an accelerating pace, making the Mekong Basin a scene of one of the most intensive hydropower developments in the world. Around two hundred large dams are at different stages of development in the mainstream and tributaries of the Mekong. The study has global relevance because the actors, rationales and techniques involved epitomise those shaping the current resurgence of hydropower development and other large infrastructure projects in the global South. As I argue, the emergent governmental assemblages enabling the hydropower development are not only intensively present in the Mekong but also partially created there. The research is grounded in the interpretive research tradition of the social sciences and situated at the interface of environmental and development studies. It builds on Foucault-inspired research, especially in the field of political ecology. The analysis contributes to studies of hydrosocial relations and bridges the political-ecological research on water and on climate change. Moreover, it provides new insights on the co-constitutive relations between resources and power formations which have relevance for recent political ecology discussions on resource- and state-making. The constituent and constitutive power formations of resourcification that are analysed include technoscientific, infrastructural, discursive, corporate and different aspects of state powers. It also examines the socio-spatial configurations that emerge from resource-making processes. Analysis of the ways technoscience and technical infrastructures are implicated in the possibilities of hydrosocial ordering forges connections with science and technology studies. In the course of five published articles I examine a range of attempts to fix in place certain sets of biophysical, infrastructural, discursive and socio-political relations. I approach these fixing efforts as part of resource-making processes that seek to render the Mekong’s riverine flows and environments more ‘productive’, investable and exploitable, and governable and controllable. I begin the analysis with the Mekong Delta of Vietnam, the early colonial frontier for water resourcification that has since become the part of the Mekong Basin where the plans of ‘full control’ with aspirations of ‘acclimatisation’ have been materialised to the fullest extent. I sketch out the main continuities and ruptures in the Delta’s intensive hydrosocial and agro-hydraulic ordering efforts, and outline their major effects. I then shift my attention to the more recent hydropower boom in Laos and Cambodia, and the various elements enabling it in terms of knowledge production, the new sustainability standards of hydropower dams and climate change-related rationalisations and techniques. Finally, I bring to the fore how enclavistic, post-neoliberal hydropower projects in Cambodia get entangled with other processes of resource-making, with illiberal processes of state formation and the intensification of Chinese influence. The study shows how the past and current modes of fixing hydrosocial relations have been shaped by a complex interplay of different rationales and techniques of governing. It also highlights the importance of the legacies of past hydraulic endeavours, their infrastructural powers, and those of fluvial waters. I identify two waves of hydraulic infrastructuring with differing patterns of water resourcification. Characteristic of the first wave is that resourcification efforts tended towards uniform and centrally coordinated hydrosocial orderings while the resourcification efforts of the second wave exhibit more dispersed, corporate-led modes of hydrosocial ordering. A major change in hydraulic infrastructuring has been the increasing disjointedness between damming and river basin planning because of the proliferation of concessionary hydropower projects. The contradictory predicament of the current resurgence of hydropower is that while large dams are being justified on the basis of multiplying purposes – from poverty alleviation to the better governing of climate change – the concessionary dams are, in fact, geared almost solely towards optimising riverine affordances in terms of their hydroelectricity production. The concessionary governing mode through which the enclavistic, water-resourcification pattern of second-wave dams has evolved is shown to be animated by neoliberal governing rationales but also shaped by illiberal governing logics. While the enclavistic dams strengthen corporate powers over hydrosocial relations and may limit the development of state hydraulic powers, the study also highlights effects which overflow the enclave boundaries and strengthen other aspects of party-state rule in Laos and Cambodia. The various infrastructuring efforts analysed in this study produce waterscapes that are variegated: variously networked and with divergent power formations. There is also variation in the magnitude of the effects and in the mechanisms of how the benefits and adversities of the projects are distributed. Yet all of them, including the ‘sustainable’ dams with eco-modern safeguard policies, radically disrupt fluvial relationalities, diminish possibilities for diverse and decentralised river uses, tend toward more centralised control of hydrosocial relations, and make vulnerable those with the most intimate riverine connections. Despite these similar effects, a nuanced analysis of the ordering assemblages shaping each effort of fixing the fluid is relevant, as it enables more detailed reflection on the distributed responsibilities. Overall, the analysis illustrates how large-scale hydraulic infrastructures built and planned in the Mekong Region entail drastic alterations in hydrosocial relations. Keywords: Cambodia, Clean Development Mechanism, climate change, fluvial relationalities, frontiers, hydraulic infrastructuring, hydrosocial ordering, Laos, large dams, Mekong Region, political ecology, power formations, resourcification, rivers, Vietnam
  • Pönni, Pauliina Sofia (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    This thesis is a contribution to the discussion on globalising education. Empirically, it focuses on the context of Finland and particularly, on Finnish actors engaging in education projects in the Global South. Today, every child’s right to education is widely acknowledged, and the aim of all children receiving formal education is a global goal that rarely is contested. Between 2001 and 2011 access to education improved with 20%. However, the fast improvement of access has had its consequences, and today 60% of all children that go to school do not reach the required numeracy and literacy skills. This has come to be called ‘the learning crisis’ both in educational sciences and in the field of global development. This thesis highlights two pitfalls related to solving the learning crisis, namely that of Westernising the world and that of enhancing an unsustainable relationship with nature. The idea of a learning crisis presupposes that all children should learn universalised and standardised skills, and consequently this thesis asks whether this actually is the best outcome. Currently, the content of schooling remains distant to many children as it rarely is locally created, but rather globally or at best nationally. The same applies to language, as the medium of instruction often is a former colonial language rather than the learner’s mother tongue or heritage language. More specifically, this thesis examines how Finnish actors engage in global education projects, and the aim of this work is to obtain an overview of where Finnish education development actors stand in relation to solving the global learning crisis. The research questions centre around the participants’ inclusion of locals in their work, their knowledge about the local context, and their perception of their role. Semi-structured interviews with 15 education experts engaging in education development projects in the Global South were carried out in January 2021. The critical theoretical frameworks of post-development and decolonial theories guide the discourse analysis of the collected data. Together, the main findings in this research demonstrate how current ways of globalising education still relay almost without exception on Western epistemology while other epistemologies are neglected. The results suggest that the most common way to ameliorate the quality of schooling, is by arranging teacher trainings for local teachers, while neither the content of schooling nor the language of instruction is in focus. In order to contribute to solving the learning crisis, this study suggests that practitioners in the field of education development in the Global South should increasingly engage in projects in which the main focus is the learner’s mother tongue and the content of schooling, as well as engage more in lobbying on the state level in order to encourage inclusive education policy.
  • Huotari, Esa Ilmari (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    Market relations are never natural, nor are they born without coercion, social tension and violence. This thesis contributes to the critical research on market creation and takes part in the discussion of how our written economic history is based on myths and outright lies. Looking beyond the conventional stories of money’s origins, myth of unilinear development and narratives of universal tendencies to exploit one’s surroundings, this thesis draws from heterodox monetary theory and strong anthropological evidence. It explores the inherently political nature of market creation or “forced markets” through a case study of monetizing colonial Nigeria’s markets. The focus is in asking “why?” rather than merely describing the process. This thesis examines on the other hand the variety of indigenous ways to arrange economies on local level and on the other hand the violent processes through which Western colonial powers sought to monetize these economies and indoctrinate the local populations. In other words, how to make “them” like “us”. In the heart of this thesis are the writings of the High Commissioner of the Northern Nigeria Protectorate (1900-1906) and Governor of unified colonies of Nigeria (1912-1914), Frederick Lugard. From his writings I extract the answer to my question of why these economies had to be monetized, whether it was done to make the colony fiscally profitable or to “civilize” the local population by imposing the Western model of control and habits of work on them. Since the material on hand is waiting to be interpreted through the context of heterodox theories of money and “forced markets”-approach, a hermeneutic positioning in the analysis is an obvious choice. It also complements my constructionist ontology and an interpretivist epistemology. This thesis highlights the role of European intellectual history as a driving force of racist discourses and thus as a justification for the atrocities carried out around the world in the name of progress and civilization. This “European superiority” and “native inferiority” is so deep-rooted in Western mindscape, that although much of this work concentrates mainly on historical matters, the legacy of this intellectual history and its byproducts must be addressed. Are we carrying the tradition of “white man’s burden” in the footsteps of Lugard and others’ like him?
  • Miettinen, Johanna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    Tässä maisterintutkielmassa tarkastellaan kuinka skeittaaminen voi toimia väkivallattoman vastarinnan muotona Palestiinassa. Skeittaaminen on oma alakulttuurinsa, jolla on jo lajin alkuajoista saakka ollut tietynlainen yhteiskunnan etenkin kapitalistisia valtarakenteita vastustava asema. Skeittaaminen voidaan nähdä jopa anarkistisena toimintana, sillä se haastaa normatiivista tapaa liikkua julkisessa tilassa sekä ottaa tilaa haltuun omaehtoisesti, näin vastustaen tilaan ylhäältä liitettyjä merkityksiä. Tutkimuksen pääaineisto koostuu videoista ja ei-akateemisista artikkeleista, joita analysoidaan Foucault ’laisen diskurssianalyysin sekä feministisen visuaalisen analyysin kautta. Tutkimuksessa tunnistetaan seitsemän päädiskurssia, jotka edustavat eri väkivallattoman vastarinnan muotoja. Näistä ’skeittiparkki vastarinnan tilana’, ’resilienssi vastarintana’ sekä ’tilallinen vastarinta kehollisuuden ja liikkeen kautta’ toimivat suorana vastarintana Israelin miehitykselle, kun taas ’yhteenkuuluvuus globaalin skeittiyhteisön kanssa’ ja ’vastarinta representaatioiden kautta’ vastustavat miehitystä epäsuorasti. Diskurssit ’konservatiivisten normien vastustaminen’, sekä ’länsimaisen skeittikulttuurin vastustaminen’ sen sijaan haastavat kulttuurisia ja yhteiskunnallisia normeja ja asenteita. Tutkielman teoreettisena viitekehyksenä toimii Frantz Fanonin postkoloniaalinen teoria, josta etenkin ylempi- ja alempiarvoisen (superior & inferior) teoretisointi nousee keskeiseen asemaan. Fanonin teoriaan liittyy ajatus dekolonisaation väkivaltaisesta luonteesta, joka luo jännitteen tutkielman väkivallattomuuden näkökulmalle. Tätä jännitettä puretaan tarkastelemalla Gandhin väkivallattomuuden teoriaa sekä pohtimalla missä oikeastaan kulkee raja väkivallattoman ja väkivaltaisen vastarinnan välillä. Tutkielman johtopäätöksenä on, että vaikka skeittaaminen ei itsessään vapauta Palestiinaa Israelin miehityksestä, sillä voi olla erityisen vapauttava vaikutus skeittaajiin itseensä, joka nähdään sekä mentaalisena että kehollisena dekolonisaationa. Lisäksi palestiinalaisen skeittikulttuurin nähdään haastavan länsimaista skeittikulttuuria, jossa maskuliinisuus on ollut perinteisesti keskiössä.
  • Kangas, Mikko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    This thesis focuses on examining a popular concept in European Union’s foreign policy – Normative Power Europe. The thesis argues that we should adopt a different approach than is currently used to analyse Normative Power Europe. In here, the concept is seen as a foreign policy discourse, that has achieved a hegemonic position, and therefore dominated the conception of European Union’s role in international relations for the last decades. A special focus is turned on the relationship between European Union and African actors. The thesis examines Normative Power Europe discourse as a fundamental structure in European Union’s new Africa strategy, introduced in March 2020. The European Union has argued that the strategy builds on renewed partnership with Africa and aims to abolish the donor-recipient relationship between EU and Africa. The thesis draws on constructivist ontology in defining Normative Power Europe as a discourse. The writer argues that by choosing this type of approach, a researcher is able to critically examine the actorness and role of European Union. According to the constructivist ontology, the actorness of EU can be shaped and constructed. A discourse of Europe as normative power is a central element in the construction of European Union’s international role. The findings of this thesis show that European Union represents itself as a better option for Africa to form partnership with, instead of cooperation with such states as China and Russia. Norms and values of EU play an essential role when European Union persuades African actors to form partnership. The thesis argues that by constructing its global power and influence on normative superiority, the European Union risks creating a demand for itself and for its norms-based intervention without a legitimate justification for these actions. This is a problematic arrangement, and the thesis argues, that there is a demand for post-developmental theory in European Union’s foreign policy research.
  • Oinonen, Pekka (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on tarkastella monikansallisen tietekniikka-alan konsultointi- ja palve-luyrityksen kehityskumppanuusohjelmaan osallistuvien työntekijöiden motivoitumiseen ja identifioitumiseen vaikuttavia tekijöitä sosiaalisen identiteetin teorian näkökulmasta. Kehitys-kumppanuusohjelma on osa tutkimuksen kohteena olevan yrityksen yhteiskuntavastuukäytän-töjä, ja työntekijät voivat hakeutua ohjelmaan vapaaehtoisesti. Kehityskumppanuusohjelmaan piiriin kuuluvien työtehtävien ajalta työntekijät luopuvat puolesta palkastaan. Tämän tutki-muksen kiinnostuksen kohteena on erityisesti se, mikä motivoi työntekijöitä osallistumaan va-paaehtoisluontoiseen kehityskumppanuustyöhön, ja mitkä tekijät vahvistavat ja mitkä tekijät heikentävät kehityskumppanuusohjelmaan osallistuvien identifioitumista työnantajayrityk-seensä. Tutkimuksen toteutuksessa käytetään laadullista, tulkitsevaa tutkimusotetta. Tutkimusmene-telmänä on teemahaastattelu. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu kymmenestä haastattelusta. Pieni ja taustaltaan heterogeeninen haastateltavien ryhmä jakautuu luontevasti kahteen ryhmään, vanhempiin ja nuorempiin työntekijöihin, mikä heijastuu myös haastatteluaineiston analyysiin. Haastatteluaineiston perusteella jo pelkkä mahdollisuus osallistua kehityskumppanuusohjel-maan lujittaa ohjelmaan hakeutuneen työntekijän identifioitumista työnantajaansa. Kehitys-kumppanuusohjelmaan osallistumisen motiiveista nousevat tärkeimmiksi mahdollisuus käyttää omaa ammattitaitoa kehityskumppanuusohjelman ja siihen toisena osapuolena osallistuvan kansalaisjärjestön hyväksi sekä mahdollisuus kehittää omaa ammatillista osaamista ja samalla kehittyä ihmisenä. Samalla työntekijät kokevat, että vastuu osaamisen syventämisestä ja sen laajentamista on lopulta heillä itsellään. Erityisesti nuoremmat työntekijät osoittavat identifioi-tumista ammattiinsa ja ammatilliseen osaamiseensa työnantajayrityksen sijaan. Yrityksessä pi-dempään työskennelleet työntekijät puolestaan identifioituvat työnantajaorganisaatioonsa myös kehityskumppanuusohjelman kontekstissa. Disidentifikaatio työnantajaa tai nykyisiä työtehtäviä kohtaan ilmenee tyytymättömyytenä työn merkityksellisyyteen tai puutteellisina koettuihin mahdollisuuksiin vaikuttaa omaan työnkuvaan.
  • Kollei, Jarrah (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    South Africa as a country has been portrayed as an exception when it comes to protecting LGBT rights in Africa. In previous research on South Africa, sexuality, gender and race have been found to be crucial components of oppressive structures. However, the discursive practices and sedimented orders governing queerness, a substructure of normative sexuality and gender, have not been thoroughly examined. In this thesis it was questioned, how queerness has been made governable in South Africa through time. An additional centre of interest was to examine, how an influential non-profit organisation Gender DynamiX has recently tried to these orders. The thesis contributes to the efforts of queering development. Informed by intersectional feminism, Africana womanism, queer theory, post-colonialism, as well as Critical Discourse Analysis and Qualitative Content Analysis, the orders of discourse governing South queerness, as well as Gender DynamiX’s dominant discursive practices to change these orders, were analysed. The material analysed in the thesis consisted mainly of academic literature, and publications that the organisation has produced independently or in co-operation with other actors It was found that the historically moulded orders of discourse governing the field of South African queerness, a discursive substructure addressing deviance from the hegemonic South African system of normative sexuality and gender, is being produced and reproduced in contemporary South African society. These discriminatory orders of discourse have been made to support the colonial enterprise, the white apartheid state, and more recently black and religious identity politics. Thus, various actors have discriminatorily used queerness in a utilitarian manner to demarcate a line between us and them, between natural and unnatural, godly and ungodly, and more contemporarily the ones who tolerate and ones to be tolerated. However, it was found that these orders of discourse have been under transformation since the end of apartheid and the birth of the democratic nation. The discursive practices of gay and lesbian activists were crucial in changing these orders of queerness, and there has been some success in institutionalising and popularising the rights of sexual minorities. However, the issue of trans and gender non-conforming rights remains largely neglected in these moderately changed orders of queerness. Additionally, in the case study it was found that Gender DynamiX has pursued to affect these orders of discourse with an attuned and innovative discursive practice. More concretely, it has pursued to present especially racialised queers as active knowing subjects in different ways. This innovative discursive practice has the potential in dismantling the racialised hierarchical system of orders of normative sexuality and gender and the utilitarian orders that govern queerness in South Africa. More research on the development of Gender Dynamix’s discursive practice and the orders of queerness in South Africa would be beneficial to conduct.