This paper examines Hezbollah’s identity construction and ideology from its establishment in 1985 until 2009. Hezbollah is a hybrid organization, consisting of military, social and political structures, and it’s designed as a terrorist organization by several states and organizations. After its participation in the Lebanese politics from 1992 onwards, it has adjusted its rhetoric and objectives to match the domestic environment and its demands, however preserving its resistance and Shi’i religious identity as integral parts of its articulation. This study shows that despite more moderate language, Hezbollah has been successful in sustaining its key identity and reasoning behind its political agendas. The theoretical ground of this study derives from Ernesto Laclau’s post-foundationalist discourse theory, which suggests that meanings, structures and social relations are always discursively constructed, transformed and dissolved. The data under scrutiny consists of Hezbollah’s Open letter of 1985, the Parliamentary election programs of 1992, 1996, 2000 and 2005, the New manifesto (2009), Statement of Purpose (1998) and Hizbullah: Identity and Goals –statement (2004). These documents are English translations from the original Arabic documents, translated by Joseph Alagha. A logics approach, as introduced by Jason Glynos and David Howarth, is applied to single out the social, political and fantasmatic logics in Hezbollah’s articulation. The aim is to show how these logics have discursively shaped the identity of Hezbollah and its ideology, considering the historical social and political context, as well as outside influence affecting these processes. This study takes part in the research of armed non-state actors and Islamist movements, having social and political structures and agendas in addition to military objectives. This paper shows that resistance and religion have remained as the main identifications of Hezbollah throughout the timeframe. These identities rest heavily on historical narratives and reasoning, reviving the historical Shi’i narratives of hardship, martyrdom and early resistance. Hezbollah is often viewed as a regional actor that is heavily dependent on Iran and its funding, as well as on its ally Syria. Therefore, the regional changes, conflicts and power balance affect its articulation and orientation throughout the timeframe. A variety of identities stand out in the documents: while focusing on presenting itself as a solely Lebanese movement after the elections of 1992, it has strived to present itself also as a pan-Arabist and pan-Islamist movement, stressing the Arab and Muslim identities of the region. This paper concludes that in the center of Hezbollah’s identity construction and ideology is the antagonistic relationship with its stated enemies: America, Israel and other imperialist powers. By constructing a picture of a hostile enemy through the processes of differentiation and equivalence it also legitimizes its existence as a militant organization. In the future, this study will serve as a historical overview on Hezbollah’s identity and self-legitimization from a discursive viewpoint.