Browsing by Subject "Institutions"

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  • Walta, Veikko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    The determinants of FDI have been a topic of interest in economics since the 1980s and this paper aims to contribute to this field. This study aims to measure how associated FDI is with the political risk as well as to see the extent of this relationship in Turkey in the years 1996–2017. The political risk is measured as a change in indexes that are provided by the World Bank, Freedom House, and Transparency International. These political indicators are Political Rights, Civil Liberties, the Corruption Perceptions Index, Regulatory Quality, Voice and Accountability, Rule of Law, Government Effectiveness, Control of Corruption, and Political Stability. The earlier literature on FDI and political risks is mostly empirical and there has not been much theoretical research. Chakrabarti analyzed the past studies on FDI and its determinants in 2001 and found out that in the earlier research, almost every explanatory variable of FDI except the market size was sensitive to small changes in the conditioning information set, casting doubt on the robustness of the results. There have also been conducted studies that address political risk or equivalent concepts. The 2005 research of Busse and Hefeker had the same topic as this paper but their data consisted of many countries and they employed two different panel models. One was a fixed-effects panel analysis while the other utilized a generalized method of moments estimator. I selected three model specifications for the time-series regression analysis. All three specifications have market size as a control variable and the other two also have the economy’s growth rate and trade openness. The third has the inflation rate as the final control variable. The data have a small number of observations which limits the options available for the empirical part of the study. Out of the nine political indicators, Regulatory Quality is the only political indicator that is not associated with FDI, while the results on the Corruption Perceptions Index and Control of Corruption are inconclusive. The rest six are associated with FDI. The Rule of Law index has the highest estimated coefficient value of the World Bank indicators and the Political Rights index has the highest estimated coefficient value of the Freedom House’s indicators.
  • Ingutia, Rose Anyiko; Rezitis, Anthony; Sumelius, John (2020)
    Africa’s disadvantaged children are often rural, malnourished, out of school, child brides or child labourers. Moreover, they tend to have illiterate mothers who have been denied access to productive resources. Our objective is to analyse the factors affecting child poverty. To this end, we studied the endogenous variables of under-five mortality rate, primary-school enrolment and child underweight. Endogeneity led to the use of Three Stages Least Squares simultaneous equations and fixed effects methods. The estimated elasticities indicate that female employment in agriculture has the greatest effect on under-five mortality rates, while the crop production index exerts the greatest effect on primary school enrolment and child underweight. The elasticity ranking demonstrates that what is at issue is not the effect of education on reducing child poverty or the effect of child poverty on reducing education, but the improvement of the status of women, particularly in the agricultural sector. Furthermore, policies for long-lasting solutions should highlight institutional quality as a prerequisite in child poverty reduction and present children and women with equal opportunities to satisfy basic needs and access productive resources.
  • Åkermarck, Mikael (2002)
    This paper sets out to examine the forming of coalition governments in Finland between 1948 and 1999. The reason for the theoretical examination of this study is to prove that the mathematical diagrams of the developed games theories are too mathematical to fulfil the function which was given them. Although the coalition theories have been revised since they were created in the 1960s and 1970s a lot of research has shown that these theories can not be applied to the forming of coalition governments in Finland. Historical considerations have always played a greater role in deciding the different combinations of political parties found in a Finnish coalition governments than the political considerations advocated by the theories. Based on the factors that apply to the Finnish situation this paper sets out to put forward a new theory called the Coalition Competency Theory. In Finland there have been a lot of coalition competency factors which have imposed conditions on which political parties can be accepted as a coalition partner. But by far the most dominant role in the government formation process has been held by the head of state. The naming of the government is one of the most important tasks for a president. An attempt made to show this was made in Markku Laakso's research in the early 1973. Here the author shows the fact that a coalition formed on a theoretical bases is not practically possible. In the middle of 1990`s an other main reserach was published where was presented a theory that there are a number of constraints that can reduce the range of coalition options. The formation of the coalitions from 1948 to 1999 can be divided into two main time periods. The first covers the forming of the governments between 1948 and 1983. This period is referred to as the Season of the No-Alternatives because of the similar coalition governments that were formed in spite of the varied results of the general elections. Whereas the period since 1987 to 1999 is referred to as the Season of Alternatives because a distinct difference can be notice between the government coalitions formed.
  • Di Gregorio, Monica; Gallemore, Caleb Tyrell; Brockhaus, Maria; Fatorelli, Leandra; Efrian, Muharrom (2017)
    This paper investigates the adoption of discourses on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD +) across different national contexts. It draws on institutional theories to develop and test a number of hypotheses on the role of shared beliefs and politico-economic institutions in determining the discursive choices of policy actors. The results show that win win ecological modernization discourse, embraced by powerful government agencies and international actors, dominates national REDD + policy arenas. This discourse is challenged primarily by a minority reformist civic environmentalist discourse put forward primarily by domestic NGOs. We find evidence that countries with a less democratic political system and large-scale primary sector investments facilitate the adoption of reconciliatory ecological modernization discourse, which may not directly challenge the drivers of deforestation. Policy actors who believe in and are engaged in market-based approaches to REDD + are much more likely to adopt ecological modernization discourses, compared to policy actors who work on community development and livelihoods issues.
  • Losada Fraga, Fernando (2017)
    This article deals with the institutional implications for the European Union resulting from debt relations. It suggests that despite original efforts to tame them, as a consequence of a series of events both in the international monetary order and the European integration process, power games lying behind debt relations have finally sprouted –with special virulence after the great recession. Although the causes have been brewing for a long time (in this regard the end of the monetary order established at Bretton Woods and the liberalisation of capital movements have been key factors), it is only in the post-economic crisis context that concrete examples of debt-based power games are observable in the institutional system. In hindsight, a line can actually be drawn tracing a transformation in the principle underlying EU constitutional law and its institutions: from promoting equality among its Member States to reflecting their (now persistent and increasingly divergent) economic power.
  • Primmer, Eeva; Varumo, Liisa; Kotilainen, Juha M.; Raitanen, Elina; Kattainen, Matti; Pekkonen, Minna; Kuusela, Saija; Kullberg, Peter; Kangas, Johanna A. M.; Ollikainen, Markku (2019)
    Offsets for compensating biodiversity loss are increasingly suggested as a system for allocating responsibilities onto those actors who contribute to the loss. As the mechanism is outlined as a new opportunity, the expectations need to be analyzed relative to the ensuing changes in rights and responsibilities over biodiversity degradation, conservation and restoration. In this paper we conduct an analysis of rights and responsibilities using literature and empirical material. Our empirical case is in Finland, where ecological compensation and biodiversity offsets represent an emerging avenue for conservation. We find that rights to conservation, property and economic activity have generally not been explicitly addressed in parallel, and that the focus has been on evaluating biodiversity loss through ecological assessment or as an ethical notion. Offsetting literature focuses on developer rights to a predictable operational environment rather than on human rights to biodiversity or the property rights of offset suppliers. At the same time, the literature on offsets analyzing the responsibilities over management, avoiding degradation and meeting societal expectations, has placed much emphasis on governance and control by authorities. These analyses result in doubts and criticism of the capacity of governance arrangements to reach the set targets. Echoing the literature, the Finnish case shows that even though the mechanism is framed as a way to place the responsibility onto developers, numerous responsibilities are expected to be taken by authorities or a yet non-existing mediating actor, while developer rights are expected to be secured and landowner rights are either mostly assumed not to change, or not addressed at all. Our study shows that the assumptions on rights and responsibilities need to be exposed to empirical analysis, to support the design of meaningful new institutional arrangements.
  • Heusala, Anna-Liisa (Routledge - Taylor & Francis Group, 2017)
    Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series
  • Lähdesmäki, Merja; Matilainen, Anne; Siltaoja, Marjo (2016)
    Recent demographic changes in the forest-owner structure are suspected to have led to the increasing number of owners with no specific objectives for their forests. In addition, the continuous fragmentation of the forest holdings has increased the threat of the passiveness related to forest management. To decrease the tendency towards passiveness, new policy tools and initiatives have been suggested. In the Finnish context, the idea of an investor-based jointly owned forest has been introduced as facilitating the effective utilization of the forest resource. However, collective ownership has faced prejudice and scepticism among private forest owners. In order to expand, the forest owners need to see the idea of jointly owned forests as a socially legitimate. Thus, by adopting Van Leeuwen's framework for analyzing the legitimation of new social practices, we examine how Finnish forest owners legitimate their participation in jointly owned forests. The qualitative data of the study consist of 20 in-depth interviews with private forest owners who have joined a jointly owned forest. Our study contributes to the recent discussion on jointly owned forests. We show how a change in the type of ownership results in moral, authoritative and rational justifications over the decision while simultaneously renewing the identity of the forest owner. Accordingly, we suggest that forest ownership is not only driven by rational prospects, but the moral and emotional nature of ownership should be better taken into account at the policy level and in structural designs when discussing the promotion of new types of forest ownership.