Browsing by Subject "Turkey"

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  • Yasav, Melisa (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    Tutkielmassa tarkastelen Istanbulin ja Ankaran kaupungeissa vaikuttavien keskiluokkaisten ympäristötoimijoiden asemaa Turkin ympäristöpolitiikassa. Tutkin tapoja, joilla nämä ympäristötoimijat ovat voineet vaikuttaa ympäristöpolitiikkaan vuoden 2013 Gezi-protestien jälkeen, aikana, jolloin autoritäärisyys ja neoliberalistinen kehityskeskeisyys, ns. neoliberalistinen developmentalismi, määrittävät pitkälti Turkin politiikkaa. Tutkimukseni kontribuoi ajankohtaiseen ja tärkeään keskusteluun kansalaisyhteiskunnan ja ympäristötoimijoiden nykyisistä ja tulevista rooleista ja toimintamahdollisuuksista, niin Turkissa kuin muissakin epädemokraattisissa maissa. Tutkimuskysymyksiäni ovat 1) Miten neoliberalistinen ja kehityskeskeinen poliittinen päätöksenteko sekä autoritäärisyys ovat vaikuttaneet ympäristöpolitiikkaan Turkissa?; 2) Miten kaupungeissa työskentelevät ympäristötoimijat ovat pystyneet toimimaan Turkin autoritäärisen hallituksen harjoittaman neoliberalistisen ja kehityskeskeisen poliittisen ja taloudellisen agendan kontekstissa vuosien 2013-2018 aikana? Tutkin kriittisen teorian keinoin sitä, miten Turkissa vallitsevat neoliberalistiset kehityskeskeiset ja autoritääriset sosiaaliset, poliittiset ja taloudelliset rakenteet vaikuttavat ympäristötoimijoiden mahdollisuuksiin toimia ympäristön hyväksi. Tämä tutkimus osoittaa, että hegemonisesta vallankäytöstä huolimatta nämä toimijat ovat vaikuttaneet ympäristöpolitiikkaan luovimalla ennalta-arvaamattomissa ja uhkaavissa valtion ja yhteiskunnan välisissä olosuhteissa. Toimijat pyrkivät luomaan tilaa ympäristötoiminnalle ja hegemoniaa haastavalle keskustelulle sekä pitämään kansalaisyhteiskuntaa elossa kontekstissa, jossa suurin osa kansalaisjärjestöistä on lopetettu tai peloteltu hiljaiseksi. Tutkielman teoreettisena päämääränä on ollut pohtia, miten kriittinen teoria osoittaa ja selittää sitä, miten Turkin hallitus on onnistunut rakentamaan hegemoniaansa ja miten kansalaisyhteiskunta on vastannut siihen. Tutkimusaineistoni koostuu 14 teemahaastattelusta sekä tuoreesta aihetta käsittelevästä kirjallisuudesta. Tutkimustani varten haastattelin kaupungeissa toimivia keskiluokkaisia järjestöjen ja yhdistysten työntekijöitä, aktivisteja, vapaaehtoisia, dokumentaristeja sekä luennoitsijoita. Käytän kriittistä teoriaa analyyttisenä metodologisena pohdiskelun välineenä urbaanin Turkin ympäristötoimijoiden ja niiden olosuhteiden tutkimiseen, joiden puitteissa ympäristötoimijat suojelevat ja tutkivat luontoa, protestoiva ja informoivat yhteiskuntaa ympäristöasioista. Tutkimustulokseni osoittavat, että Turkin autoritäärisesti toimivan poliittisen ja taloudellisen eliitin harjoittaman politiikan neoliberalistinen ja kehityskeskeinen luonne 1) vahingoittaa luonnonympäristöjä huomattavasti, vaikeuttaa ihmisten elinoloja ja harjoittaa ympäristöpolitiikkaa tukeakseen omia intressejään 2) rajaa ympäristöjärjestöjen ja aktivistiryhmien mahdollisuuksia osallistua ympäristöä koskevaan poliittiseen päätöksentekoon sekä ympäristönsuojeluun ja ilmastonmuutoksen torjuntaan. Vaikka yllämainitut olosuhteet vähentävät kansalaisyhteiskunnan toimijoiden mahdollisuuksia vaikuttaa ympäristön tilaan mielivaltaisten lakien ja toimenpiteiden, rahoituksen ja yhteistyön puutteen sekä itsesensuurin takia, moni heistä on löytänyt tapoja toimia näissä vaikuttamisen, aktivismin ja suojelun kapenevissa tiloissa. Voidaankin päätellä, ettei vuoden 2013 Gezi-protestien jälkeinen Turkin konteksti eivätkä muutkaan samankaltaiset olosuhteet välttämättä estä ympäristötoimijoita jatkamasta vaikuttavien tapojen etsimistä ja vaikuttamista kehityspoliittiseen päätöksentekoon. Kriittisen teorian menetelmät auttavat haastamaan vallitsevan tilan ja huomamaan uusia mahdollisuuksia ympäristötoimijoille tässä autoritäärisessä kontekstissa.
  • Poulter, Saila; Tosun, Aybice (2020)
    This study investigates worldview dialogue between 12 student teachers in Finland and in Turkey. The aim of the study is to explore the experiences of students engaged in virtual worldview dialogue. The research data consist of written emails and transcribed group discussions, which were analyzed using a content analysis approach. The findings indicate that dialogue is perceived through constructive complexity and that the students learned most from their own personal worldview. Differences between secular and religious worldviews were also negotiated, though some challenges were encountered. The study argues that tools for worldview reflexivity and worldview-related dialogue should be fostered in teacher education.
  • Demirözer, Ozan; Pekbey, Gamze; Hayat, Rustem; Herdogan, Azime; Acanski, Jelena; Milicic, Marija; Uzun, Asiye (2020)
    Despite the increasing importance of species richness of blowfly fauna and their environmental, medical, and agricultural importance in the world they are poorly studied in Turkey. This study was carried out in 2014 and 2015 to determine the distribution, abundance, and species richness of blowfly species in Isparta Province of Turkey. A total of 15 species (10 from Calliphoridae, 4 from Polleniidae, and 1 from Rhiniidae) were identified from 13 different localities. The adult specimens were obtained from areas of organic and decayed organic matters, waste and dumpsite, surrounding waste water deposits, and flowering plants. While all the species were new for Isparta, Bellardia tatrica (Enderlein, 1933), Calliphora subalpina (Ringdahl, 1931), Lucilia silvarium (Meigen, 1826), Melinda gentilis (Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830) and Pollenia griseotomentosa (Jacentkovsky, 1944) were determined as new records for the Turkish fauna. According to the study results, the highest levels of blowfly species richness will be mainly focused in the eastern part of Isparta Province. Chrysomya albiceps and Lucilia sericata were determined as the most common species in the study.
  • Koivunen, Kristiina (1999)
    The aim of this research is to study the health situation in the Turkish part of Kurdistan (Southeast Turkey) during the 1990s. Since 1984 there has been going on an armed conflict between the Turkish army and Kurdistan Labour Party, the PKK. Since 1984 the army has used the strategy of low-intensity war towards the guerillas. To cut the supply routes of the guerillas, the army has forced people from three thousand villages to leave their homes. About three million Kurds live in Turkey as internally displaced persons. The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923 with the Treaty of Lausanne, according. to which the only minorities in Turkey are some non-muslim ones. According to the Constitution from 1982, there are no minorities in Turkey, and the mother language of all citizens' is Turkish, so there is no need even to discuss about the rights of minorities. The assimilation policy run by the state fills the criteria of cultural genocide. The theoretical framework of this research is theories connected to cultural genocide and low-intensity warfare. The information is collected for example from statistics of the State Institute of Statistics of Turkey - from reports given out by the U.S. Department of State, Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, Turkish Medical Association and the Labour Union of Health Care Saglik Sen - from travel reports and by interviewing Kurds who have visited the region. I have myself collected information in Turkey five weeks, during four journeys in 1997-1999. In the State of Emergency Region the amount of all diseases, of which there is any information available, has increased during the 1990s. The number of reported cases of malaria has became tenfold during some years, but the prevention of malaria has decreased during the same period. 19 polio cases were reported in 1998 in the region. In October 1998 the WHO arranged in the Kurdish region in Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria a campaign during which 2,3 million children were vaccinated towards polio. Also the amount of cholera, tuberculosis, hepatitis B and trachoma has increased during the 1990s. The Turkish Medical Associal estimates that infant mortality rate in the Kurdish provinces is two or three times as high as in other parts of Turkey. While the amount of diseases has increased, many of health centers have been closed due to lack of labour, or they have been taken into military use. No exact, thrustworthy information about the situation is available. Turkey has prevented international humanitarian organisations, like the Red Cross and Médecin Sans Frontières, to make any surveys about the situation, and to deliver aid to the homeless people. The denial of doing research is one aspect of cultural genocide: in Turkey Kurdish language, culture and identity are forbidden, but in addition to that, it is impossible to find information about the Kurds in statistics and research.
  • Rämö, Milja (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    This thesis looks at the National Unity and Brotherhood Process (2009–2015) that’s one aim was to solve the decades long conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The failure of the process created more violence in the country; hence, it is essential to look back and try to reflect what the process was about. The thesis aims to understand the governmental party’s (AKP) (self-)perceptions of the process and link them to the history of the Turkish Republic. When the Turkish Republic was established, the founding ideology was Kemalism that emphasized exclusive Turkish national identity, secularism and statism. It left little or no space for expressions Kurdish identities. For decades, Kurds were not directly mentioned in public and were spoken of trough frames of terrorism and underdevelopment. The conflict itself started at the turn of the 1980s when Kurdish bationalism found more leverage. Especially in the 1990s the violence in Kurdish regions escalated. Even though the situation had been more peaceful in the 2000s, the AKP wanted to solve the conflict once and for all. In this thesis the perceptions from the time of the process are researched from a governmental publication and from pieces of news by the state-run Anadolu Agency. In the qualitative analysis that was inspired by framing theory, it was notable that the voice of the state became more rigid throughout the process and enemy-images were reproduced more frequently towards the end. The analysis shows that in the process the Turkish state and party leading the state did not challenge pre-existing conceptions of the Kurdish population. Kurdish political movements were presented trough frames of terrorism, which has been a political strategy at least for a century. In addition, the state’s externally and internally created ontological insecurity was not addressed in the process, which highlighted the state’s ambivalent relationship to the minority. This thesis notes that the AKP had a wish to include the Kurdish minority into the political ideology of the party. However, it had little tolerance to Kurdish political movements that challenged the political power of the AKP. The wish and the lack of tolerance show that the state replicated patterns from the its history.
  • Gurhanli, Halil (Jyväskylän yliopisto, 2018)
    Nykykuttuurin tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja
    Perhaps the clearest indicator of one’s partiality towards a Laclauian approach to populism is the belief that it is a constitutive dimension of politics without which the latter ceases to exist. The presence of a frontier between the ‘people’ and its ‘other’ is the precondition of politics. But what if this frontier itself becomes the sole point around which those identities are articulated? Is it still possible to speak of politics when there is ‘too much’ populism? The article answers this question through an analysis of the extreme polarization in today’s Turkey over the hegemonic figure of the President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Praises for Erdoğan government as a democratic model for the Muslim world withered away once the regime had decisively turned towards authoritarianism and begun consolidating Erdoğan’s personal control over state and society. A personality cult, named Erdoğanism here, has gradually materialised around his figure, overtaking all previous forms of political identity among his supporters and becoming one with ‘the people’. Those who display even a minimal reluctance to submit themselves completely to his will are excommunicated as ‘enemies’ of the people. Most interestingly, such an extremely polarizing discourse appears to have turned into a self-fulfilling prophecy, for it has been reciprocated by virtually all opposition actors in the form of Anti-Erdoğanism. The very survival of opposition in Turkey seems to have been locked into an anti-Erdoğanist corner, risking to run the whole political field into a zero-sum game between two polar opposites, a case of pure populism
  • Ulaş, Ali; Tunca, Sezgin; Aydin, İlker (2019)
    In this study, we analyzed social and economic dimensions of shore-based recreational fishing (RF) along Izmir Inner Bay in the Metropolitan Province Izmir of Turkey. 634 shore-based recreational fishers were interviewed via on-site face-to-face interviews during the fishing activity from January to December in 2016. Market value approach was utilized to calculate net economic values and expenses of recreational fishers along in eight coastal districts, Goztepe, Karatas, Konak, Pasaport, Alsancak, Bayrakli, Karsiyaka and Bostanli along the coast of the inner bay. The annual fishing efforts demonstrated significant differences among districts. For example; Bostanli fishers that have higher education levels with higher income spent higher time for RF but, finally, this attitude of Bostanli fishers resulted in low CPUE levels. Considering the RF experience of Bostanli fishers, they are either not likely or able to target or catch bigger or more fish. In contrast, Goztepe fishers seems much professional compared to fishers by having the highest amount of catch in shortest time compared to rest of the districts. The highest mean CPUE was observed for Goztepe, Karatas and Konak fishers even so, these CPUE amounts were much under the ones determined in previous studies in Turkey. Considering the catch composition of fishers, S. auratus was the most common catch for all fishers. Secondly, D. labrax and Mugilid species constituted the majority. High fishing related expenditures were observed in all districts, then harvesting values reached quite high levels considering the previous studies. To conclude, RF in Izmir Inner Bay of Turkey is great social and economic activity by generating increase in RF related expenditures, jobs and indirect economic activity in services sector. The results of this study provide an update information of the recreational fishers' profile to help regulate recreational fishery.
  • Koivunen, Kristiina (2002)
    The target of this research is to study the health situation in North Kurdistan, also in the Kurdish provinces in southeast Turkey. According to my sources of information - for example, Turkish official statistics, and reports of the Turkish Medical Association, and Turkish Labour Union SES, plus various international observations - the health conditions in southeast Turkey are as bad in the African countries south of Sahara. In North Kurdistan on a civil war has been going on, since 1984, between the Turkish army and the Kurdish Labour Party (PKK). Since the early 1990s, the Turkish army has used low-intensity warfare methods (LIC). It has depopulated, by force, three thousand Kurdish villages to cut maintenance routes for the PKK guerrillas. As a result there are two to three million internally displaced people in Turkey. The health situation for these persons was found to be very bad. In particular, an increase of diseases like pneumonia, diarrhoea and malaria and the deterioration of living conditions of the Kurds is one method of the LIC against them. As it proved very difficult to find information about the health conditions of the Kurds, I have also explored, in this thesis, explanations for this lack of information. I did this based on a theory of cultural genocide, i.e. ethnocide. The purpose of ethnocide is to assimilate, by force, a minority to the majority by denying the existence of its culture, language and ethnic identity. Also included, as a purpose, was the lack of statistics and scientific information about an ethnic group. Since the break-up of the Ottoman Empire during the World War One, Turkey has tried to assimilate the Kurds as an integral part of the Turkish population.
  • Christodoulides, Photeini (Helsingin yliopisto, 2017)
    The settlement of the maritime dispute between the Republic of Turkey (RoT) and the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) in the Eastern Mediterranean is politically deadlocked. Both countries keep insisting on their maritime claims despite the diplomatic settlement efforts by the United Nations and the Council of Europe. RoC argues that an equidistance line should be drawn between the two opposite areas, whereas RoT claims that the existence of relevant circumstances, including geographical and non-geographical factors, necessitates a different maritime solution. As their maritime dispute is, besides a political matter, a legal matter regulated by international law, this thesis aims to review the claims of both parties based on the contemporary conventional and customary international law of the sea, with due regard to state practice and international jurisprudence. To determine where the maritime boundary between Turkey and Cyprus lies, legally speaking, an attempt is made to critically compare this case with the outcome of relevant international judicial decisions.
  • ARI, Melis (2008)
    Unbearable Burden of Forgetting is about emergence of Turkish Nationalism. In the official history writings of Turkey, M. Kemal Ataturk is regarded as the father of Turkish Nation, thus nationalism. However defining the concept of nationalism for the Kemalist Period is not so easy, as Ataturk in 1923 when introducing the concept to Turkish nation regarded it as a self evident principle. During 1920s and 1930s M. Kemal emphasized common history and common will to stay together as constituting a nation. He saw reaching the highest level of civilizations as the ultimate aim. In practice, however, religious, lingual and ethnic elements played a greater role in defining Turkish nationalism. The thesis aims to clarify this ambiguity created. Hence turns to 19th century Ottoman Era when nationalism started to flourish. In the Ottomans the principles Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism came to compensate the sentiment of nationalism. Thus through analysing what these principles meant and what the circumstances that gave rise to them were, how 19th century came to shape Kemalist nationalism is studied. The question thesis puts forward is: Can the late Ottoman history provide reasons why Mustafa Kemal emphasized on different elements of what constituted a nation at different times and why his understanding of nationalism provides space for ambiguity, or is there simply an inconsistency in the early Republican politics on nationalism? The research is done based on a selected literature review of first hand sources; M. Kemal's speeches and writings as well as Ziya Gökalp's and Yusuf Akcura's books on Turkism and on secondary sources; contemporary studies on Turkish History and on the concept nationalism. Chapter 2 provides pieces from M. Kemal's speeches to clarify the inconsistency of emphasis over different elements. Chapter 3 describes the general situation in 19th century Ottomans in order to understand the circumstances when and how nationalism flourished. Chapter 4 introduces Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism, three ideologies that have tried to create a common identity to prevent the empire from breaking apart. Chapter 5 analyses further the ideology surrounding Turkism from Gökalp's and Akcura's points of view. Chapter 6 focuses on early 20th century, how Turkism came to be used by Union and Progress Party and how Turkish Houses shaped the notion. Chapter 7 briefly looks at post WWI Anatolia in order to understand the circumstances of the time Republic declared its independence. The thesis at the end comes to the solution that there is a historical reason why Ataturk had the need to emphasize on different elements. Traditionally religion had defined Turkishness and had come to shape policies as well as relations. Only Ottomanism had solely emphasized on subjective elements; that is history and will. Once it failed there was evident need in emphasizing on traceable elements. This is very similar to what Kemalist nationalism did. Although Ataturk rejected the Ottoman past and disregarded any connections to it, the continuity in nationalism is clear. Studying Kemalist nationalism within the historical context that includes late Ottoman era helps one understand better nationalism in Kemalist period.