Browsing by Subject "United Kingdom"

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  • Mäntylä, Iija (Helsingfors universitet, 2013)
    This thesis analyses argumentation in support of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the United Kingdom (UK) House of Commons 1998 – 2001. During that time, the UK Parliament passed the ICC Bill, with which the ICC’s Rome Statute was ratified and integrated to UK national law. The issue was heatedly debated in the House of Commons. Attention has often been directed toward the United States, which opposes the Court. Instead, chosen here was a state supports the ICC. In addition, the UK was chosen because of its role as a powerful state in international relations and as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. The analysis identifies how the UK Government representatives and other Members of Parliament argue their support for the ICC. International law, the human rights and atrocities regimes and legalism form the general framework for the analysis. The main theoretical framework of this thesis is constructivism and the so-called logics of action. In addition, the main two international relations theories, realism and liberalism are discussed to provide context for the analysis. Rhetorical analysis is used as a research method. The argumentation in support of the ICC is analysed by using the argumentation techniques of Chaim Perelman and Lucie Olbrechts-Tyteca to identify the different types of arguments used during the debates. Five main themes of argumentation to support the ICC were identified, such as that the ICC can help in breaking the culture of impunity; that the UK should lead by example by supporting the Court; and that the ICC needs to be seen as a part of the existing body on law. These themes were used to support the ICC and convince the Opposition, the Conservative Party, to back up the ICC Bill. The themes echo the constructivist theoretical points. However, the UK was dissociated from the ICC’s jurisdiction and the possibility of a UK national having to face charges in the ICC was dismissed as unconceivable. This draws a more realist picture of the UK’s stance towards the ICC and reinforces the principle of sovereignty in international relations.
  • Myllyoja, Markus (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This Master’s thesis explored the British national identity in the early phases of the Brexit process in the years 2017–2018. The aim of the study was to examine whether a new non-EU British identity which could be detected in the speeches by Prime Minister Theresa May and what kinds of linguistic devices were employed in the construction of such identity. I approached these questions with a triangulating method which finds its home in Critical Discourse Analysis. The data consisted of transcriptions of May’s three speeches: the first one was given in London in January 2017, the second one in Florence, Italy in September in 2017 and the third one again in London in March 2018, as a storm prevented May from traveling to Manchester. I attempted to observe the respective temporal and spatial contexts, as well as the imagined audience in my analysis. I first conducted a quantitative analysis of the data by employing the Appraisal Framework developed by Martin and White. This framework is designed to recognise value positions encased in a text. It is based on Systemic Functional Linguistics and Bakhtin’s ideas on dialogic language. I.e. it views language as a semiotic system of inter-referential signs which is constructed in interaction. I applied the framework to the extent of Engagement. This category of the framework is specifically concerned with dialogic utterances. In the qualitative analysis, I applied several social scientific approaches and concepts related to questions of nation and national identity. In terms of dialogic language, the results displayed that over time May’s speeches began to contain less contractive utterances in which one would exclude other positions from the discourse. At the same time, there was an increase of expansive utterances in which one would allow other positions to seem plausible or neutral. In other words, May seemed to opt for a more conciliatory tone as Brexit visibly decelerated. When it comes to national identity, it would seem like a crucial concept for a state looking for less integrated international co-operation especially if pursuit of national sovereignty is presented as the main reason behind the endeavour. However, this study implies that May’s speeches did not offer elements which a new national identity could have been built upon. In the light of previous research on national identity, they would have evidently needed to contain more emotion-laden language.
  • McCarron, Francis (2007)
    In this thesis I have researched Britain's Euro skepticism in the light of integration theories. I have consentrated on the main contending theories in the field of International Relations. I have especially consentrated in the areas of Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism and their power to explain British reluctance to join the Euro zone.I have evaluated these theories and their power of explanation by critically looking at them from an economically Realist point of view. I have divided my thesis into six different chapters. Out of these six chapters it is chapters two through five that provide the actual discussion of the issue at hand. In the introduction I have set out my research question, and in the conclusion I seek to provide some idea of the findings of this thesis in relation to the research question. In chapter two I have attempted to explain the key theoretical interpretations of European integration. I have discussed Britain joining the EMU in the light of Neo-functionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism. In the third chapter I have laid down the foundations for this thesis on economic grounds. For this chapter on the economics of the Euro to be of such breadth shows the relevance of economic factors in explaining British membership -or exclusion for that matter, in the EMU. In the fourth chapter- Politics of the Euro we begin to see the real problems behind the possible British membership of the EMU. That the debate around the Euro often goes along economic lines is not surprising. Therefore I find this chapter of pivotal importance to better understand the issue at hand. After these more accurate arguments and their many variations, we move to more interesting (at least for a political science student) debates that I have found. This fifth chapter then will tie all the loose ends together, as it will make an attempt at theorizing this issue more thorughly in the light of the different evidence we have found in this thesis. Finally then in the conclusion an attempt is made to pinpoint the main issues that I have debated in my thesis. Some possible future research questions are discussed as well as possible variations of the theme.
  • Patomäki, Heikki (Routledge, 2017)
    Whether we talk about human learning and unlearning, securitization, or political economy, the forces and mechanisms generating both globalization and disintegration are causally efficacious across the world. Thus, the processes that led to the victory of the ‘Leave’ campaign in the June 2016 referendum on UK European Union membership are not simply confined to the United Kingdom, or even Europe. Similarly, conflict in Ukraine and the presidency of Donald Trump hold implications for a stage much wider than EU-Russia or the United States alone. Patomäki explores the world-historical mechanisms and processes that have created the conditions for the world’s current predicaments and, arguably, involve potential for better futures. Operationally, he relies on the philosophy of dialectical critical realism and on the methods of contemporary social sciences, exploring how crises, learning and politics are interwoven through uneven wealth-accumulation and problematical growth-dynamics. Seeking to illuminate the causes of the currently prevailing tendencies towards disintegration, antagonism and – ultimately – war, he also shows how these developments are in fact embedded in deeper processes of human learning. The book embraces a Wellsian warning about the increasingly likely possibility of a military disaster, but its central objective is to further enlightenment and holoreflexivity within the current world-historical conjuncture. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, peace research, security studies and international political economy.
  • Färkkilä, Matti Evert (2010)
    The British gas industry has experienced a massive structural reorganisation since the 1980’s with the privatisation of the national monopoly company British Gas in 1986 and the ensuing market liberalisation. These developments were largely driven by logic of economic efficiency, and traditional energy policy concerns, such as managing the balance of energy sources and ensuring security of adequate supplies, were not a major concern (Helm, 2005; Stern, 2004). The new approach thus represented a paradigmatic shift from the state monopoly model of the post-war period in which control over energy resources and self-sufficiency took priority. Helm (2005, p.3) argues that since the turn of the millennium another structural break has taken place amounting to a ‘paradigm shift’ as supply security considerations entered the energy policy discourse. The reason is mainly the realisation of the dawning depletion of the UK's domestic resources. The aim of this paper is two-fold: Firstly, to attempt to explain the move to the liberal market paradigm and how it resulted in a structural tendency for a continued opening towards the international markets. A historical institutional perspective will be adopted to account for the liberalisation developments in the 1980’s. Particular attention will be given to the role of ideas in the process. The objective is to demonstrate how the existing institutional arrangements in interplay with ideational currents facilitated the structural change that took place in the gas industry. Furthermore, they necessitated an opening up to the outside, namely towards the European Union (EU). Thereafter, the ideational paradigm shift has had a long-lasting effect on later developments. Secondly, the paper will aim to assess the implications of the new 'security paradigm’ and to what extent it can be considered a change from the 'liberalisation paradigm'. It will be argued that it cannot – at least as yet – be considered a paradigmatic shift in the same sense as liberalisation in the 1980s. The entering of security in the discourse amounts to little more than a defence of the liberalised market structure. The securitisation theory developed by Buzan (1991) and Waever (1995) will be introduced here to be applied on a study on the British government's position on security of supply issues since 2000, as expressed in various government reports on energy policy. It will be shown that market logic and non-interference is justified on security grounds. Lack of European and global liberalisation is presented as the real security problem, thus externalising responsibility.
  • Johnstone, Phil; Rogge, Karoline S.; Kivimaa, Paula; Farné Fratini, Chiara; Primmer, Eeva (Elsevier, 2021)
    Energy Research & Social Science 74
    Industrial policy has re-emerged as an area of policy discussion in recent years, but the characteristics and role of industrial policy vary across national contexts. Particularly, the role of industrial policy in the ongoing energy transitions of different countries has received little attention. We introduce an analytical framework to explore the relationship between industrial policy and different energy policy trajectories and apply this framework in an empirical analysis of the perceptions of key stakeholders in the energy sector in Germany, the United Kingdom and Denmark. We identify four key elements of industrial policy – industrial visions, industrial policy instruments, industrial policy governance, and employment concerns – and based on these analyse perceptions of how industrial policy has facilitated changes in the energy system of the three countries. We find significant differences in industrial policy styles for low-carbon transitions, reflecting broader differences in political institutions and cultures. Our analysis shows how sustainability transitions relate to industrial policy, and which elements can act as enablers and barriers to low-carbon transitions.
  • Sullivan, Clayton (Helsingin yliopisto, 2018)
    For the second time in forty-one years, voters of the United Kingdom went to the polls to decide their fate within the European Union. On June 24th, 2016 , citizens decided to vote in favor of leaving the European Union however in 1975 the United Kingdom voted to stay a part of the European Economic Community. Is it possible these two referendums alike? This thesis answers the research question,“How are the 1975 and 2016 United Kingdom referendums compared based upon the ‘vote leave’ campaigns?” By using a 2005 article describing why a country might request a European referendum as a theoretical point of departure and Carol Bacchi’s “What’s the problem represented to be?” as the method, this thesis analyzes campaign material of both referendums. The materials analyzed consist of campaign manifestos, pamphlets, posters, and political cartoons to compare both referendums for similarities and differences. It is shown that in both referendums that they are alike based off of domestic politics, economics and national sovereignty. The 2016 referendum differs in one aspect based on immigration.
  • Vakarchuk, Roman N.; Mäntyniemi, Päivi Birgitta; Tatevossian, Ruben E. (2019)
    The present investigation focuses on the effect of input data properties on the estimation of seismic intensity prediction equation (IPE) coefficients. Emphasis is placed on small-tomoderate magnitude earthquakes. Synthetic intensity data points (IDPs) are created using a given IPE, assuming independence of azimuth. Extensive simulations are performed for single earthquakes and a synthetic database. Tests of single earthquakes show that increasing the sample size narrows the range of obtained coefficients. The larger the difference between the shortest and longest distance of IDPs from the epicentre, the narrower is this range. A short radius of perceptibility is more rapidly saturated with new data points than a long one. The synthetic database is used to examine the effect of magnitude and depth errors. The performance of synthetic data gives a model with which the real data can be compared. The attenuation coefficient appears stable against magnitude errors of +/- 0.2 units, but starts to be overestimated as magnitude errors increase. Assuming an erroneous regional depth easily leads to intensity differences of 1 degree. The mean coefficient values deviate from the correct ones and tend to increase with depth. The results resemble the synthetic ones, but imply larger uncertainties. The attenuation coefficient, m, appears to be the least sensitive coefficient to errors. Real data from seven post-1965 earthquakes in the magnitude range of 4.0-5.2 were retrieved from the intensity database of the United Kingdom.
  • Roust, Christopher (Helsingfors universitet, 2016)
    The planned referendum on whether the United Kingdom (UK) should remain within or leave the EU will be only the second time that the UK’s relationship with Europe has been put so directly to the electorate. Even for a country which is no stranger to asking for and obtaining exemptions from European treaties, holding an in/out membership referendum is a drastic measure with potentially far­-reaching consequences. The objective of this thesis is to determine what confluence of factors led to such a vote being promised in 2013. The thesis considers existing secondary literature on the UK’s relationship with the EU and Britain’s domestic politics. It critically analyses this alongside primary sources, from government documents and political speeches to electoral and opinion polling data. News reports from a range of sources are used to support and contextualise the overall argument. Analysis of the factors behind the decision to promise a referendum is split into three categories: the influence of the EU on British policy, domestic political considerations, and public opinion on the EU and related issues. The research shows that while levels of public support for Brexit are not insignificant, the promise of a referendum can not be attributed primarily to popular demand. Rather, the referendum was promised as a result of political calculations ahead of a likely close general election.