Browsing by Subject "diplomacy"

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  • Kuosmanen, Sonja (2021)
    The promotion of human rights has faced challenges in recent years in the United States and elsewhere. In this study, human rights discourses are examined in the context of strategic foreign policy rhetoric by the United States. The routine of foreign policy statements is meant to create audiences receptive to U.S. foreign policy aims, but also reveals underlying ideologies and assumptions. The analysis examines U.S. State Department Human Rights Country Reports between 2000 and 2019. The results show that the assumed ideal model of human rights is heavily based on U.S. political tradition. The performance of other countries is evaluated against the 'exceptionalist' U.S. model without consideration of different cultural or societal contexts. Linguistic choices are made to highlight the agency of authorities and events, which can be seen as a strategy of diplomatic face-saving. In some cases, countries are evaluated on an unequal basis based on political expediency.
  • Sykes, Kirsi-Mari Kristiina (2006)
    Human Security and Sovereignty – Case of Canada’s Foreign Policy for Human Security, is a textual and conceptual analysis on state sovereignty and human security and of Canada’s foreign policy for human security. Human security refers to securing the individual, where state sovereignty refers to the security of a state. In the increasingly interconnected world, the traditional structures of state sovereignty are no longer enough. Therefore, the underlying argument of this research is that traditional state sovereignty can be complemented with human security. Hence, sovereignty and human security form a continuum of a more inclusive security. The purpose of this research is to demonstrate why Canada has integrated human security into its foreign policy and how the adoption of this policy has influenced the wider Canadian foreign policy. This is done by first providing an analysis on the main structures of both state sovereignty and human security. Second, Canada’s role as a peacekeeping nation and wealthy middle power state have influenced the decision for adopting such a policy. In addition, Canada’s multilateral diplomacy has played an important role in advancing human security agenda. Third, Canada’s five human security agenda areas are introduced and analyzed in order to demonstrate how the human security agenda works and how it has influenced the overall foreign policy. These five areas are public safety, protection of civilians, conflict prevention, governance and accountability and peace support operations. This research identifies three main issues that have influenced the overall Canadian foreign policy since the adoption of foreign policy for human security. First, the former Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy successfully introduced human security into Canada’s foreign policy. This left Canada with an actual human security foreign policy. Second, an important milestone was the Canadian government sponsored Responsibility to Protect – Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty in 2001. This report set out a shift towards commitment to the protection of civilians, hence providing greater human security. Third, Canada has taken active leadership role in major international projects to improve human security. The main successes have been the banning of landmines and the International Criminal Court. These successes have granted Canada more credibility on an international level. This research concludes that although Canada is to be applauded for its leadership role in advancing human security and following up with legislative action, there is a clear lack of financial dedication to the various human security areas and military investment towards peace support operations. The primary sources used are Canadian government’s documents on human security and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade websites. Additionally, McRae and Hubert’s Human Security and the New Diplomacy provides a comprehensive overview of Canada’s long-term efforts in integrating human security into actual policy. Secondary sources include articles in academic journals, websites of non-governmental organizations and various UN organizations’ documents.
  • Koskinen, Julia K. (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    During the Cold War, the Arctic became a stage for the superpowers’ rivalry. The more ballistical armament was developed further, the more the Arctic armament increased. In the 1980s, the Arctic region was a region where the Cold War’s escalation was a real fear. Simultaneously the environmental questions started to concern more and more. Furthermore, although international agreements to protect nature had been negotiated and bilateral ones were being accelerated, there was no organisation for the Arctic dealing region as a whole. This lack of cooperation encountered with détente, the US and the Soviet Union’s leaders converged with rhetoric about restrictions on armaments. When Gorbachev gave a speech on October 1987 in Murmansk and longed for further cooperation in the Arctic region, a situation arose, which enabled the opening of cooperation negotiations. Eventually, Finland was the first to seize the moment, and this led to Finland’s initiative. The initiative aimed to arrange a Conference on the Protection of the Environment in Finland. This master’s thesis examines Finland’s Arctic diplomacy from September 1986 to October 1989, from The Reykjavík Summit to when the first meeting of Arctic issues with eight Arctic states was kept. More precisely, this thesis research how Finland was performing Arctic diplomacy during the period and if there were a change to Finland’s line after the Gorbachev’s speech. Hence, the thesis examines what type of reactions and consequences Gorbachev’s Murmansk speech affected in Finland’s foreign policy. Moreover, this thesis is interested in who was conducting nascent cooperation in the Arctic Region. The primary data used in this thesis are Finland’s Foreign Minister’s archives documents. The study shows that Finland’s Arctic diplomacy was at first in 1986, observative and reactional. However, after Gorbachev’s speech in Murmansk, Finland took the lead and worked actively to start cooperation. In this role, Finland needed to act as a balancer between the Arctic countries’ boundary conditions. Especially the US was hesitating and by this stretched Finland’s negotiator skills. Eventually, Finland achieved in arranging a consultative meeting in Finland in September 1989. This meeting became to be the first of two preparative meetings before the actual ministerial conference. Notably, Finland gained the leading force and was mainly conducting cooperation during the years examined. Nevertheless, the Gorbachev’s speech had a high impact on the momentum, but, significantly, Finland was the one who succeeded seize the moment.
  • Riley, Anna (2006)
    The institution of diplomacy in its traditional form has found itself challenged in recent decades. The forces of both globalization and regionalisation have placed new demands upon diplomats, who are now required to balance their work against that of a plethora of new actors operating internationally, and at various levels. The European Union offers an operating environment considerably at odds with the international environment from which the institution of diplomacy developed. The Westphalian state order - a state-centric system where war was perceived as a constant threat - formed the backdrop to the evolution of diplomacy as an institution. Diplomacy became the means to mediate the security threat through inter-state dialogue, conducted by diplomats. The absence of a security threat within the EU today calls into question the role of diplomacy and the career diplomat. No longer required to conduct high-level bilateral negotiations, nor mediate a security threat, the diplomat must adapt to the new working environment and identify new roles and tasks to justify their existence. This thesis studies the changing role of bilateral diplomacy within the EU through the experience of Finland, with the aim of identifying the ways in which Finland's bilateral diplomatic practice vis-a-vis fellow member states has changed since entry to the Union in 1995. The research is conducted primarily in the form of interviews with civil servants and career diplomats, as well as consultation of official foreign ministry documents. The choice of the interview method is largely attributable to the fact that there has been very little study previously conducted on the topic at hand. The material collected is analysed using a theoretical framework rooted in the new institutionalist perspective, and elaborated by Jozef Batora. Two categories are selected that may define the direction that the institution of diplomacy is moving in - a change in diplomacy and a change of diplomacy (metamorphosis) - and the evidence collected through research is analysed according to its relevance to either of these two categories of change. This study covers the experiences of both the foreign ministry (with particular emphasis on the bilateral department and bilateral missions), and the sectoral ministries. The evidence collected indicates that a change in the role of Finland's foreign ministry within the EU context has taken place, in addition to changes in the roles attributed to the diplomats at Finland's bilateral missions. The London embassy is taken as a case study, and demonstrates a focal shift from high-level bilateral negotiations to public diplomacy and cultural work, in the name of lobbying for Finland's broader interests in EU decision-making. The sectoral ministries exhibit a variety of experiences since entry to the EU, but a trend appears to be emerging of a decreasing need for the foreign ministry and the services of its embassies, and a preference at the sectoral ministries for conducting their own bilateral dialogue. The evidence collected through this study suggests that the institution of diplomacy is capable of adaptation, and that adaptive measures are being undertaken, quite feasibly paving the way to an entirely new form of diplomacy within the EU.
  • Bukovskis, Karlis (2010)
    This Master’s Thesis contributes to the theoretical approach of ‘economism’ developed by Teivo Teivainen as well as the theoretical discussion on the changing responsibilities of foreign ministries and the influences of modern neoliberal economic principles on foreign policy. The case study of this research is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia. The aim of the research therefore was to examine if and how economism manifests itself in the responsibilities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with regards to Latvia’s external economic relations. This research contributes to the theoretical stances of economism by developing a set of conceptual principles and exercising them on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. A discourse – containing arguments and principles expressed by interviewed officials and conceptual foreign policy documents – is screened for the presence of these predefined principles of economism. The documents regulating the responsibilities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are subjected to a diachronic comparative analysis to identify whether the political influence and responsibilities of the Ministry have diminished over the time and if a constitutionalization of economism has taken place. The analysis reveals a constitutionalization of economism through a gradual reduction of responsibilities and political influences of the Ministry since the beginning of 1990s. The control and political influence that the Ministry had after the collapse of the Soviet Union was reduced, liberalizing economic relations and opening the market. The MFA's responsibilities and influences have been adjusted to the needs and demands of the business sector – the promotion of domestic businesses abroad and the attraction of the foreign investors. The embassies and the MFA add ‘political muscle’ by demonstrating support for the business sector rather than by constraining it. The main responsibilities left for the MFA and embassies are the representation of businesses, occasional assistance for citizens, expert advice to the host state and improving the image of the country. The presence of the principles of economism within the discourse is not unequivocal. The economic rationale does not dominate the discourse of the responsibilities of the MFA. Economic rationale and even boundary creation itself is largely absent from the discourse constituted by the principles within the documents regulating the functioning of the MFA. Even more, the discourse constituted by the principles expressed by the officials in the interviews for this research does not reveal strong dominance of economic rationale either. Present principles show support for apolitism in state affairs and limitations on external sovereignty. At the same time, there are also strong opposing views, especially with regards to the limits of democracy and internal sovereignty. Nevertheless the legal documents demonstrate that the boundary between economical and political is being created by taking the strong decision making powers on external economic relations away from the MFA and so revealing the constitutionalization of economism. The defined principles of economism though should be further tested in future analyses.