Browsing by Subject "global civil society"

Sort by: Order: Results:

Now showing items 1-4 of 4
  • Laitinen, Klas (2010)
    The reification and strengthening of intellectual property rights (IPRs) has led to an emergent and interesting counter-movement. Central research questions: (1) how IPRs manifest hegemony in a neo-Gramscian framework, (2) creating a conceptual framework to study counter-hegemonic potential of new social movements or organizations, and finally (3) using the conceptual criterion created to study the Pirate Party (PP) of Sweden. Incorporating new social movement theory with a neo-Gramscian framework explains movement of organic intellectuals from political parties to new social movements. Further, it explains the emergence of a counter-movement to IPRs. Combining the neo-Gramscian theories of Cox and Gill with new social movement theory, allows for a pertinent analysis of hegemony and the movement of IPRs towards core hegemony and their subsequent reification during the last few decades. We find that IPRs manifest hegemony. The conceptual framework created contains five central criteria for analysing a movement: (1) Aims of the movement, (2) Participation, (3) Resources and Financing, (4) Intellectual base of the movement, and (5) Compatibility with a global progressive political party. The case study of the PP shows it has (1) counter-hegemonic aims, through the linkage of IPRs to hegemony. The party has successfully politicized and reopened the contestation of IPRs within Sweden.(2) Participation within previously apathetic social groups has increased. The party is now the second largest party in Sweden by membership. (4) The intellectual base of the Piracy movement is evident, both inside and outside the party. However, no evidence of alliance building was found. (3) Resources and financing are precarious, the party is financed through contributions and personal loans of key personnel and there have been internal strife related to finances. Core activists of the party are unlikely to defect, rather without success, a return to apathy is likely. (5) No signs of alignment with a progressive global movement are evident within the PP. Therefore, this study is inconclusive, the party does not expressly aim for counter-hegemony but realization of its main goals would lead to a weakening of hegemony. The party has had modest success, gaining two seats in the EU Parliament. The parliamentary elections in Sweden 2010 may give a clearer indication of the long-term potential of the party. The hegemony of knowledge goods is evident today, thus a counter-movement has emerged to contest it.
  • Rönkkö, Lauri Mikael (2008)
    This Master´s thesis analyses how the World Social Forum WSF has emerged as a new global civil society space in the context of the expansion of economism and general depolitisation (cf. Teivainen), facilitated by the internationalisation process and supranational opportunity structures (cf. Tilly and Tarrow). The WSF brings together besides national social movements and their transnational coalitions also new types of transnational social movements and networks. It challenges essentially the expanding democratic deficits at local and national levels, but especially at the international level. Recent research has confirmed the high degree of critical debate on democracy present in social forums: especially internal democracy emerges as an important topic of discussion for the activists (cf. Della Porta). One of the main debates of the WSF is found around the questions whether to favour efficiency over participation or specialization over equality, or vice versa. This dilemma is reflected in the dispute whether the WSF should continue to follow Open Space methodology or move towards a political actor. The aim of this study is to analyse these competing discourses and framings among WSF movements, mirroring discourses to the four models of public sphere presented by Ferree, Gamson, Gerhards and Rucht, and the four conception of internal democracy of Donatella della Porta, and how they are implemented in WSF internal practices. Study identifies three major framings: the movement of movements framing tends to advocate the representative democracy model and the vertical party-type organisations following associational democracy models, i.e., delegation of power and the majority decision-making. The horizontal framing typically criticize the vertical structures and representative practices, and have instead developed horizontal network politics and follow constructionist democracy ideals, emphasizing priority of the prefigurative politics over the efficiency of decision-making. Another main issue explaining the divisions among WSF movements is their divergent relation to the axis of national/ transnational spheres and the changing power relations between these spheres. The open space framing typically relates to the transnationalism as an opportunity like those sympathising horizontal framing. Although no satisfactory solution seems ready yet to address the main organizational dilemmas of the WSF, some progress can anyhow be observed. Consequently, the WSF should be seen as a laboratory of prefigurative politics, developing and testing new form of politics and alternative democratic practices, a global civil society space where excluded voices gather and discuss alternative political and economic practices. It empowers local, national and transnational social movements to create new projects and alliances, and creates new identities, as well, perhaps new type of transnational identities as well.
  • Elomaa, Terhi (2004)
    The aim of this thesis is to examine whether the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ really is ‘anti’, i.e. against, globalisation and a single movement. The so-called anti-globalisation movement emerged into the spotlight in 1999, during the World Trade Organisation’s ministerial meeting in Seattle when demonstrators managed to disrupt trade talks aiming to further liberalise world trade. In International Relations (IR) scholarship the movement is perceived to be an indication of an emerging global civil society. The theoretical framework supporting the objective of research is a post-positivist perspective of critical and feminist IR theory, which give reason to question the globalisation/anti-globalisation dichotomy. The comparative study is based on Finnish non-governmental organizations (NGOs) involved in the ‘anti-globalisation movement’. A sociological cognitive method of analysis is used to study the cosmological, technological, and organizational dimensions of Friends of the Earth Finland, the socialist union Sosialistiliitto, and Attac Finland. In other words, the worldviews, goals, and organizational aspects of the NGOs are examined. Research material used in the case studies consists of online documents provided on the NGO websites. The research material is limited to information provided on the websites because the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ is the first social movement to mobilise mainly through the Internet. According to this study, the term ‘anti-globalisation movement’ is misleading because the organizations’ criticism is restricted to the current direction of economic globalisation and all three NGOs advocate increased political globalisation. It is also concluded that the organizations’ aims differ to such a significant degree that they cannot be considered to form one single movement.
  • Leinius, Johanna (Helsingfors universitet, 2011)
    The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.