Browsing by Subject "governmentality"

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  • Kantola, Anu Marjaana; Seeck, Hannele Merja Johanna; Mannevuo, Mona (2019)
    This article explores the role of affect in governmentality and develops the concept of the ‘affective milieu’ to better understand liberal forms of managerial control in market environments. Taking Foucault’s writings on consent, security and technologies of self as a vantage point, we suggest that the regimes of governmentality are both rational and affective milieus and propose that the Spinozan–Deleuzian affect theory provides an entry point for exploring how regimes of governmentality operate as affective milieus. The Spinozan–Deleuzian affect theory helps in understanding affective complexities and attempts to create affective alliances in governmentality. Elucidating this point, we explore how top executives at globally operating paper and metal companies entered a new affective milieu when going through market liberalisation. The affective milieu oscillates between the dangers and promises of the market. Using the notion of priming, we analyse how the top executives use the affective threats and promises of the opening markets and how they attempted to develop managerial techniques to incite and orient employees in the new milieu.
  • Masoud, Ameera; Holm, Gunilla; Brunila, Kristiina (2021)
    This article scrutinises the normalised realities behind integration policies and training for refugees and immigrants that are claimed to be inclusive. The ‘great narrative’ of Finland has been focused on equal opportunity via education and training, which makes it even more important to examine the hidden realities and how such realities affect the integration process. We focus on labour market-oriented integration training, since employment is considered to be the most important element for successful integration and social inclusion. Our data consists of interviews with 20 refugees, 5 immigrants, 6 integration professionals and 3 policy makers, in addition to ethnographic field notes. Through a discursive approach and utilising studies on governmentality, we unveil how governing through integration practices works. The article explores how integration practices that claim to be inclusionary are maintaining forms of exclusion, which becomes a mechanism of exclusionary inclusion. Our analysis shows what refugees and immigrants have to adopt and adapt to as part of their own subjectification in order to become integrateable, and thus includable.
  • Forss, Maria (Svenska handelshögskolan, 2014)
    Economics and Society – 282
    Den här avhandlingen handlar om hur fortbildning arrangeras för sjukskötare i en finländsk sjukvårdsorganisation. Fortbildning är viktig för organisationer och anses vara ett strategiskt verktyg för att möta, bemästra och skapa förändringar. Forskning kring fortbildning kretsar ofta kring pedagogiska lösningar eller lärande där fortbildning uppfattas som något neutralt. Min avhandling tillför forskning om fortbildning ett maktperspektiv och ett retoriskt perspektiv och jag behandlar inte fortbildning som något enbart positivt eftersom fortbildning även är handlingar med potential för normativ kontroll. Jag utgår ifrån att fortbildning är partisk och värdeladdad. Min titel för avhandlingen syftar på den mångbottnade förståelse som kan skönjas i begreppet fortbildning. Det finns begränsad forskning vilken ser fortbildning som uttryck för sammanhang och helheter. Inte heller finns forskning som ser arrangemangen kring fortbildning som handlingar vilka skapar/fråntar anställda makt eller forskning som ser fortbildning som uttryck för självreglerande handlingar. Det är till denna mindre uppmärksammade sida som jag riktar mitt vetenskapliga bidrag. Jag har tematiskt intervjuat sjukskötare och ledare samt utbildningsplanerare. Dessutom har jag analyserat organisationens texter om och för fortbildning samt observerat två olika fortbildningar. Avhandlingen är en omfattande fallstudie som bygger på 31 intervjuer av 23 informanter och på två olika icke-deltagande observationer. Jag har koncentrerat, kategoriserat och tematiserat mitt material och byggt broar mellan det som kan förefalla motsägelsefullt med hjälp av kritisk hermeneutik för att presentera det som resultat. Sedan har resultatet tolkats med hjälp av en konstruerad analysmodell som bygger på två olika analyslinser. Den ena är den kommunikativt handlande linsen och den andra linsen är governmentality. Resultaten nås således genom att analysera fortbildningsaktiviteter med hjälp av två olika teorier, kommunikativt handlande och governmentality. Från de tre viktigaste aktörernas perspektiv försöker jag skapa en helhetsbild av fortbildning som fenomen. Fortbildning granskas från tre aktörers perspektiv samtidigt och på detaljnivå med syftet att fånga en helhet. Som vetenskapligt bidrag är detta en kritisk organisationsstudie av HR verksamhet med fokus på fortbildning. Jag demonstrerar hur ledningens förväntningar och anställdas förväntningar kring fortbildning omöjligt kan mötas om det inte finns vilja, initiativ och plats för dem. Makt och positioner kan inte separeras från retoriska handlingar, något jag visar i avhandlingen.
  • Poulter, Saila (2017)
    The aim of this paper is to explore the history of Finnish religious education (RE) from the perspective of civic education. The research is based on a historical and content analysis of the data, which consist of written pedagogical and curricular material on Lutheran RE from the last 150 years. The analysis, which employs the Foucauldian concept of governmentality to explore the changes in the relationship between citizenship and religion, morality and power, demonstrates that RE has been a powerful tool in shaping civic identities throughout its history. However, the justifications for RE have differed markedly according to the social conditions of the day. This study further claims that liberalisation and individualisation are the main ideological and moral concepts that describe the change in the notion of citizenship. The main contribution of this analysis is to address the importance of understanding how the formation of civic identity is always shaped by historical and ideological currents and particularly how the externally controlling power of the nation state has been replaced by less visible ways of governing the liberal subject.
  • Kauppila, Aarno; Lappalainen, Sirpa; Mietola, Reetta (2021)
    In recent decades, disability policy programmes and conventions have been underlining how improving educational opportunities, especially for post-compulsory education, improve the employability and independence of disabled people, and thus their position in society and as citizens. However, little attention has been paid to actual educational practices and how they relate to these policy objectives. This article focuses on post-compulsory education for students with learning disabilities in Finland, more precisely on a vocational training programme called Preparatory Education for Work and Independent Living (PEWIL). In our ethnographic study of the programme, we scrutinise how daily educational practices govern citizenship for its students. We argue that even though these students are perceived as 'trainable' mainly in sheltered work and as only able to live in an institutionalised setting-thus reproducing their marginalisation-they have internalised the idea of a neoliberal labour market citizen with an emphasis on independence and employability. Points of interest The subject of this article is a vocational education and training programme for young people with learning disabilities. The aim of the programme is to give students skills for working and independent living in mainstream society. We are interested in how citizenship is understood on the programme. The first author participated in the everyday life of the programme and interviewed students. We found that the programme prepares students to work in sheltered workshops and to live in group homes. In interviews, the students said they want to have regular paid jobs and live independently in their own flats.
  • Kilpi, Lyydia (Helsingfors universitet, 2015)
    The study explores how mineral resources are rendered governable through the EITI, a global multi-stakeholder governance mechanism focusing on transparency. The study focuses on Mozambique, a country with growing mining and petroleum sectors and low rankings on governance indices. Stakeholders views on extractive sector governance in Mozambique are analysed through the theoretical framework of governmentality. A governmentality approach focuses on how we govern and are governed, and the nexus between thought and governing. The data for this study consists of 20 interviews conducted in Maputo, Mozambique with government officials, civil society actors, representatives of extractive companies and development partners. The interview data was analysed by conducting a qualitative content analysis. The EITI is a governance mechanism within which governments, civil society actors and companies collaborate to publish and communicate information about the oil, gas and mining sectors. The role the EITI assigns to non-state and private actors and the value it places on liberal ideals show that the EITI reflects a neoliberal understanding of governance. Mozambique has implemented the EITI since 2009. This study demonstrates that in Mozambique, despite EITI implementation, the adoption of neoliberal governance is not complete. Actors deploy neoliberal and other techniques of governance selectively to further their agendas. The state remains a central hub for mineral resource governance, and different actors attempt to influence governance through the state apparatus. Transnational influences, such as development aid, steer the state towards adopting neoliberal governance. Civil society continues to have limited influence over mineral resource governance despite participation in the EITI. However, the adoption of neoliberal forms of governance may open up opportunities for civil society to influence governance.
  • Kauppila, Aarno; Kinnari, Heikki; Niemi, Anna-Maija (2020)
    The possibility to participate in education and lifelong learning has been introduced in EU disability policy in recent decades as one of the key means to improve the socioeconomic position of disabled persons. Simultaneously, lifelong learning has been developed as the defining concept of EU education policy to increase social cohesion and economic competitiveness. However, the education, employment rate and socioeconomic status of disabled persons have remained far below the EU average. In this article, we theorize governmentality to explore (1) how EU lifelong learning and disability policy discourses constitute and govern disabled persons and (2) how disabled persons are positioned in the policy discourses. The data consist of the most relevant EU policy documents concerning lifelong learning and disability policy in the twenty-first century. We argue that the policies constitute and govern disabled persons as a group who do not fulfil the premises set for the lifelong learner, and that consequently, policy discourses marginalize disabled persons instead.
  • Honkasalo, Marja-Liisa (2019)
    This introduction provides an analytical back ground for the notion of vulnerability as it is currently perceived mainly in social sciences, ethics, philosophy, queer studies and governmentality. Used both as descriptive and normative term, vulnerability, along with resilience and policy management, has acquired political dimensions, which are distant from those given by the philosophers Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Levinas. In present day social and political discussions vulnerability has gained enormous popularity and seems to be a genuine 'sticky concept', an adhesive cluster of heterogeneous conceptual elements.
  • Toivettula, Karolina (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    Around the world, cities are using branding as a discursive and strategic practice to adjust to intensified, ongoing competition of tourists, investments, events and skilled labour. Simultaneously, in the era of the societal turning point, sustainability issues have become a global topic, and cities have begun to brand themselves as ‘pioneer’ in sustainability. Gradually, place branding’s potential as a strategic instrument of urban development and change has been understood, and therefore, it is increasingly applied in urban governance. This thesis focuses on this change in place branding and explores the relationship between place branding and sustainable development in the context of Helsinki’s branding. More specifically, I study how place branding can be harnessed as a transformative and strategic tool to further sustainable urban development. The theoretical foundation is built on place branding literature that takes into consideration the diverse and transformative role of place branding. I reinforce the place branding theory with the concept of imaginary, which are visions of the future utilised to steer decision-making and further policies. The imaginaries can act as technologies of governance, through which cities delegate responsibility for the citizens to guide them towards a specific aim, for instance, ‘Sustainable Helsinki’. My research data consists of strategies and a website produced by the City of Helsinki. The material addresses sustainable development and the City’s branding cuts through all content. I analyse the content through frame analysis to find how Helsinki frames itself in terms of sustainable development and if any imaginaries attempt to steer the citizens to take responsibility for their sustainability actions. My research findings confirm the increasingly common perception in place brand research according to which place branding can be used as a comprehensive strategic tool in urban development. In Helsinki, place branding has moved over from mere city marketing towards a governance strategy whose objective is to both manage perceptions about places and shape the place according to the city strategies or policies. Also, what stood out was the emphasis on economic sustainability, which was visible even in sections that addressed the other two dimensions – environmental or social. This finding highlights how Helsinki’s branding is heavily influenced by the common narratives of economic success and international competition. Central findings in my research were that Helsinki uses competitive and cooperative ways of portraying itself in sustainable development and succeeding in global competition. In both of these frames, Helsinki uses imaginaries of ‘Sustainable Helsinki’, but in different ways. In the competitive tone of voice, the delegation of responsibility is more implying and indirect since the focus is on the objective, not the process. In cooperative framing, the imaginaries are more straightforwardly asserting responsibility to people and businesses. My research shows that there are several ways to guide people through place branding, but in Helsinki’s case, the city is appealing to the freedom and independence of its locals.
  • Kristensen, Kasper (Helsingfors universitet, 2013)
    Foucauldian concepts of bio-power and biopolitics are widely utilized in contemporary political philosophy. However, Foucault’s account of bio-power includes some ambivalence which has rendered these concepts of bio-power and biopolitics rather equivocal. Foucault elaborates these concepts and themes related to them in his books Discipline and Punish (1975) and History of Sexuality: An Introduction (1976), and also in his Collège de France-lectures held from 1975 to 1979. Through a detailed analysis of these works this research suggests that there are differences in Foucault’s account of bio-power. The aim of this thesis is to shed light to these differences, and consequently, clarify Foucault’s account of bio-power and biopolitics. This research is divided into two main sections. The first analyzes Foucault’s works of 1975-76. In those works Foucault investigates relations of power and knowledge through a framework of what he called the normalizing society. Foucault identifies two essential forms of power operating in the normalizing society: individualizing discipline and population targeting bio-power. Together they form a network of power relations that Foucault calls power over life. By this concept Foucault designates the process by which human life in its totality became an object of power and knowledge. In this framework bio-power and biopolitics are essentially connected to particular system of norms which creates its power effects through medicine, human sciences and laws and regulations. The two pivotal reference points for normalizing techniques are race and sexuality. The second section focuses on Foucault’s lectures of 1977-79 and his other works published approximately until 1982.In these works Foucault elaborates the subject of governing population from different angle and with novel concepts. He abandons the view according to which one could locate a uniform architecture of power operating in society. Rather, he begins to analyze society as being constituted by multiple different forms of power and political rationalities. The crucial research question is what kinds of modifications take place in techniques of government when relations of power and knowledge are changed. In these investigations bio-power and biopolitics are identified with liberal apparatuses of security and pastoral power. The conclusions deduced in this thesis are that Foucault’s preliminary analysis of bio-power in the context of normalizing society is not sufficient to produce a firm analytical ground for concepts of bio-power and biopolitics. However, in his later elaborations of these concepts Foucault manages to demonstrate how political rationalities and different forms of power are related to the ways in which human life is governed and modified. Thus Foucault succeeds in creating analytical tools by which to have better understanding through what kinds of rationalities human life is managed in contemporary societies.
  • Wolde, Kaisa (Helsingin yliopisto, 2018)
    This thesis studies the development of Ethiopian education policy discourse from na-tion-building perspective. Nation-building is examined from three supplementary as-pects: technologies of truth, governmentality and historical change, to describe how it has been discussed in chosen policy documents. Ethiopian Education and Training Policy (ETP) and Education Sector Development Pro-grams I–V (ESDP) between 1994 and 2015 were analyzed with Michel Foucault’s con-cepts for analytics of governance: power, knowledge and subjectivity, and governmen-tality. Critical discourse analysis with Foucauldian concepts was used as a methodologi-cal framework in this research. Nationhood is produced in the education policy documents from one side with integra-tive strategies and civics education, and from other side with regional language and de-centralization policies. Education policy discourse appears to seek balance between ‘one nation’ and ‘multination’ perspectives. The national subjectivity ethos is described with expectations for acquired attitudes and values on individual level. Unified nation-ality is presented in the documents’ visualizations. It was found out that integrationist programs are aiming primarily at equity in education system instead of promoting com-mon nationhood. Educational language policies support cultural diversity and regional differentiation. The findings of this research show that nationality ethos appears ambig-uously formed and fragmented in Ethiopian education policy discourse. Nation-building aim has faded in Ethiopian education policy discourse and the primary role of education has shifted into being an instrument for economic growth. This re-search raises concerns about the social sustainability of current policies with weakened nation-building aims and regional disparity. Strengthened democratization of the society and civic education play an important role in influencing national subjectivity for-mation. Further research about citizenship education and its effectiveness in Ethiopia is needed.
  • Pasanen, Eveliina (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    The aim of this thesis is to study the governmentality of irregular migration in Finland by analyzing the practices, discourses and rationalities of governance through the Finnish policy discourses and policy suggestions. Irregular migration is currently a highly politicized issue in Europe, thus also in Finland. Especially after the higher inflow of asylum seekers in 2015, the government has introduced increasingly restrictive policies in attempt to govern migration. As a result, there is an increasing amount of irregular migrants at the very margins of society. Because of the politicized nature of the issue, and the direct impacts of the policies on the lives of migrants, it is crucial to systematically and critically study the policies and aim at understanding the underlying ideologies and political and ethical assumptions, as well as the possible social and political impacts of the policies. The theoretical background of the study is based on critical studies of migrant “illegality”, as well as anthropological policy studies and Foucault’s concept of governmentality, which offer a critical lens studying the larger processes of governance; the underlying political rationalities and the knowledge system that supports it. Finnish policy documents which aim to prevent irregular migration form the empirical basis for this research. Altogether 7 documents, 4 action plans and 3 yearly evaluation reports, were chosen based on their relevance to the topic. These documents are the key policy texts concerning irregular migration in Finland and they represent the official line of the Finnish Government. The methodological approach of the thesis is based on critical discourse analysis, integrated with Fairclough and Fairclough's political discourse analysis. The approach recognizes political discourse as fundamentally argumentative, primarily involving practical argumentation, and focuses on analyzing the problematizations of the issue and the proposed solutions that are based on these problem representations and the desired future state of affairs. The core findings of this research are that the policy discourses and policy suggestions constitute irregular migration as a political problem and an object of governance and highlight the need for action. The context of action is described as exceptional, characterized by a radical change and a growing number of migrants. At the same time, migrant “illegality” is produced as a natural fact, and irregular migrants are criminalized and marginalized, leading to their othering and exclusion. The measures of strict border control, increased internal control and deportation are represented as functional, natural and uncontroversial. The policy discourses promote effectiveness and efficiency, simultaneously highlighting the government in control. The policy suggestions further distinguish between those who are fit and unfit to live in the society and reinscribe the relation between the state, citizen and territory. A critical evaluation of the Finnish policies reveals their ineffectiveness and potential unwanted consequences of increasing the amount of irregular migrants, further marginalizing them and fueling public anxieties about migration. Researchers suggest that instead of basing policies on fears and ideological assumptions, they should be based on research findings, taking into consideration their long-term effects on society, the structural causes of migration and the human rights of migrants. Understanding the underlying political rationality of migration governance with its concern over the security and wellbeing of the population, and how the governmentality is connected to the development of techniques, expertise and other bodies of knowledge, helps to illuminate why the practices and discourses of migration control are so resistant to endure. The research concludes, however, that there always exists opportunities for resistance and that political claims of irregular migrants hold transformative potential that can challenge the sovereign practices of the state. Moreover, the everyday practices of the state, and how migrants actually experience the policies may be very different from the official representations of the state and would require further research.
  • Leinonen, Silja (2009)
    The subject of this thesis is the broadening and intensification of Nordic security cooperation during the past two-three years and particularly as a result of the two major crises of autumn 2008 - the Russo-Georgian war and the global financial crisis. The thesis is based on the notion of risk, which has gathered significant momentum in the field of social sciences due to the increasing complexity and unpredictability of contemporary society. Ulrich Beck's work on risk society will be broadly presented in order to understand the new, uncertain environment and the consequences it has on policy-making. The thesis, however, sides with Beck's critics, namely the recent foucauldian research on risk governmentality. Especially the works of Ewald (1999, 2002) and Ardau and Van Munster (2005, 2007, 2008) have inspired the thesis theory-wise. Where Beck holds that life in the risk society will eventually lead to a better modernity and reflexive policy-making, the foucauldian approach draws attention to how late-modern risks are already controlled and tamed by governmental actions. Risk avoidance has become the moral obligation of the whole society and this rather prevents societal development than enhances it. Similarly to Aradau and Van Munster, the thesis analyses the multiform risk practices in contemporary societies - in political discourses, decision-making, law and individual level action - through the notion of dispositif of risk. Narrative analysis serves as the central research method. As the developments in Nordic security cooperation are fairly recent, the main attention is given to the new rationalities (discourses and statements) concerning Nordic (in)security and future. These narratives of risk create new boundaries between us and 'the Other'. The research material consists of addresses mainly in the Nordic Council 2007 and 2008 sessions, and speeches held by Nordic ministers or high ranking officials in years 2007, 2008 and 2009. Nordic initiatives and reports will also be utilised. The empirical part is sectioned into three Nordic discourses: globalisation, societal security (including defence issues) and international crisis management. According to the research, the Nordic countries are obliged to cooperate with each other in security matters due to the increasing uncertainty of their future. Particularly the Russo-Georgian war, the financial crisis and the increasing interest in the High North have raised the level of Nordic insecurity. So far, the Nordics have been well-equipped to meet new non-military threats, but in the current situation, waiting for security risks to materialise is not a sufficient option: they must be prevented. The establishment of expensive surveillance systems in the Nordic are requires intense cooperation, as also stated by the recent 'Stoltenberg report'. This research brings new theoretical and empirical information to the field of Nordic studies, which has somewhat lost popularity to European studies. Contrary to the theses of Nordic Peace scholars, such as Archer (2005) and Joenniemi (2007), this thesis concludes that the Nordic countries are no longer abstaining from securitizing speech acts or taking the future as it comes, not trying to influence its' course. It proposes that the Nordics are preparing for the insecure future by securitizing a number of areas. In slight contradiction, the Nordic international statements and actions are based on absolute normativity and the renunciation of precautionary action.
  • Summanen, Eetu (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    This master’s thesis examines the role of health technology as part of biopolitical governance and the emergence of self-tracking as a tool of biopolitical control at a time when the development of technology and its ability to measure diverse information about the human body appears to be still accelerating. The fact that self-tracking devices are becoming smaller and less noticeable seems to be making it easier and more effortless to implement them into one’s life. The aim of this thesis is to increase the understanding about how significant factor health technology seems to be in the transmission of biopolitics to the lives of citizens. The hypothesis for the thesis is that the self-tracking that is happening through health technological devices is part of the strategies of states biopolitics and is used as a tool for remote control of citizens’ lives and bodies. The theoretical framework is based on Michel Foucault’s work that has led to the birth and definitions of the concepts governance and governmentality as well as to the birth of the modern concept of biopolitics. It was important to pay attention to the fundamentalities and development of the modern governmentalities and especially to the key elements of the neoliberal one. The theoretical framework of the thesis also included the definition of the term self-tracking, focusing especially on its emergence and nature in relation to modern society. In addition to this, the idea of a more responsible person created by health consciousness also served as a theoretical starting point for the thesis. Research material for the thesis included Finnish state social and health policy documents and interviews done with individuals that were using a health technological device. The aim of the analysis of the documents was to outline the Finnish state's goals in managing the population and the expectations placed on its citizens. The aim of the interviews was to increase understanding of the impact of self-tracking on the lives of individuals and whether factors in the use of the device reflected to the factors in state’s biopolitical goals and societal norms. The interviews followed the style of a semi-structured thematic interview, and the analyses of the material were performed according to the data-driven analysis models of the qualitative research methods. Based on the analysis of the Finnish state's social and health policy documents, state wants citizens to participate more in society. They are also expected to maintain their well-being and develop their skills in working life for being able to pursue longer careers during their lifetimes. Citizens are expected to take more responsibility for their own lives and to be more resilient to changes in working life. The Finnish state recognizes a healthier, well-being citizen as a more efficient member of society. All interviewees’ understanding and awareness of their health and well-being appeared to have improved as a result of self-tracking. The increase in health consciousness was supported by changes in the use of the device during the years of use. The usefulness and harmfulness of self-tracking, depending on whether the use is on a healthy or toxic basis, was also a strong emerging theme. Among the interviewees' ways of living and acting, the factors of the Finnish state's goals for governing the population could be found. Through the results of the thesis, a self-tracking individual can be seen in many ways as an individual resembling an ideal, neoliberal citizen. This was supported by the observation considering all interviewees about how they have become more aware of their own health and the functions of their bodies by measuring themselves, possessing more power to take care of their health through self-tracking. Perspectives on healthy and toxic self-tracking also described the potential of self-tracking on harnessing individuals to control themselves and to be more responsible. The ease in use of the devices also seemed to play a key role in how well biopolitical goals reached an individual’s life. In addition, the status symbolism formed by the physical nature of the devices also seemed to affect to the reach of biopolitical governing. From the point of view of the state's biopolitical goals, a self-tracking individual could be seen as a more ideal neoliberal citizen particularly in terms of the impact of increased health consciousness and responsibility.
  • Kantola, Anu (2002)
    In the early 1990s Finland experienced banking crisis that can be considered as one of the most severe ones in the OECD-countries since the Second World War. At the same time the crisis was a part of a larger political change as Finland was liberating financial markets and moving towards market oriented systems in society. This work analyses the talk of the Finnish political elites in this process. Theoretically the work draws of the work of Michel Foucault and especially his concepts of governance and governmentality. According to Foucault modern states develop special forms of political governance, which use language and special forms of knowledge such as economy and economics. Foucault aims to study the particular historical forms governance takes in various historical situations. In this case, the aim is to look at the particular case of Finland in the 1990s. What kind of regime of governance develops in the Finnish economic crisis? The study analyses biographical accounts of the crisis by the most important political decision-makers. The interviews were made by Sitra in 1995. Moreover, previous research on the crisis as well as already published memoirs of the political elite and background interviews of the elite are used as secondary sources. It is suggested that the economic crisis creates a regime of political governance named moral managerialism. Political and ideological distinctions are to a large extent wiped away from the talk of the political elite. Instead the elite is united by managerial talk, which thrives to solve given problems instead of discussing various political alternatives and interests. At the same time many decision-makers use moral analysis. The crisis is seen as a result of a moral failure as the morals of the common people failed. This moral managerialism in interpreted as a form of political governance, which is based on neoliberalistic, economistic and nationalistic ideas. The appearing regime does not endorse the ideals of democracy. On the contrary, elections, public discussion and citizens are in the eyes of many decision-makers a problem that hinders effective and rational management. At the same time markets gain a prominent position in elite talk and surpass politics, which gets a negative connotation as a word. The Finnish political elite appears in the crisis as a relatively homogeneous group. The elite is united in pragmatic talk based on national economy, while various political ideologies and ideas, that could create cleavages within the elite, are put aside.
  • Mäkinen, Milla (Helsingin yliopisto, 2018)
    Abstract After the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, neighboring Lebanon has received over 1,5 million refugees – now hosting the most refugees per capita in the world. Already fragile Lebanese society is under extreme pressure. The Lebanese Crisis Response Plan 2017-2020 produced by the United Nations and the Government of Lebanon represents the only comprehensive strategic blueprint outlining the local crisis management measures in front of the Syrian conflict spillover. It directs the international commitments and guides the efforts from top to grass-root level. The goal of this study is to investigate how this plan has been formulated and to what kind of knowledge base it is grounded on, in order to assess its comprehensiveness. In this case, the foundation is predominantly built on the situation analysis produced by the World Bank Group. To investigate the World Bank’s representation of the crisis and mitigation measures, this thesis employs poststructuralist theoretical orientation. With the applications of Foucauldian poststructuralism, James Ferguson and Tania Li Murray provide theoretical tools through which the data set of four World Bank’s documents between 2013 and 2016 are analyzed. The research design of qualitative content analysis is systemized by using a political analysis framework. Analysis proceeds through structural, institutional, stakeholder and political levels of analysis. The findings demonstrate that the World Bank’s analysis of the Lebanese context is incomplete. The representation of the situation does not take into account all relevant factors affecting the crisis management in Lebanon – especially questions of power and comprehensive stakeholder engagement are missing. Altogether, the findings fit for the most part into the overall narrative of governmentality of development, as established in works of Ferguson and Murray. Some of the observations are not as categorical as Ferguson’s and Li’s and this study resulted in the interpretation that some of the earlier critiques have been adopted by the World Bank. However, changes do not seem to be far-reaching but rather rhetorical. Governmentality as the World Bank’s mode of reasoning remains. The findings update and elaborate existing research and theorizing. This thesis uncovers and clarifies the complex process of different knowledge-power relations, how the institutional context affects the information produced, how ideas in these processes then generate structural change and how the embedded dynamics create conditions of possibilities for action.
  • Rantanen, Visa (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    This master’s thesis studies the Finnish migrant integration programme. Integration is a manifold concept. The term is used referring to many different aspects of social inclusion of migrants and ethnic minorities. This paper deals with the integration of newly arrived and/or unemployed migrants in Finland, through compulsory language training and workfare type internship practice – in this case publicly funded services delivered by a private training company. The research applies ethnographic participant observation data to Foucault-scholarship influenced governmentality theory. Governmentality refers modern use of state power, where governance of populations is increasingly delegated to grassroots societal actors, such as private companies, and mechanisms of state control have shifted away from direct coercion and command, into soft power of subjectification. Contributions from governmentality research allows situating ethnographic data into a wider framework of changing rationalities behind population management. Combining ethnographic research with analysis derived from governmentality theory allows relating macro-sociological analysis of social power to micro-sociological accounts of everyday life, habits and working conditions. The main aim of integration training is to increase the employability of its participants. My research describes how integration training seeks to subjectify its students as workers, or more precisely, how teaching a self-managing and disciplined worker subjectivity as a general soft-skill is embedded within language teaching. This active, flexible and service oriented worker subjectivity is reflected in classroom teaching and feedback, but also normalized in the role of the teacher. Integration training is also a place of learning, making friends, and multicultural expression. As an ethnographic study this is also a portrayal of integration training as a work place and a community. The teachers’ working conditions widen their role beyond just educators, to also carers and administrative assistants, whose work involve negotiating between the competing requirements of these roles throughout the working day.
  • Frerichs, Sabine (2010)
    In modern society, the law contributes as much to individualization (subjectivation) as to social integration (cohesion). In this paper, these relations are explored with regard to the role of the legal subject in the market society. In a market society, the markets are no longer “embedded” in the normative order of society but society has itself adopted the logic of markets. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s Rio lectures and his governmentality lectures, I will show that within the modern ‘governmental state’ – understood both as a ‘state of law’ (Rechtsstaat) and an ‘economic state’ (Wirtschaftsstaat) – the law moves between the poles of (juridical) justice and (economic) truth. The economization of the rule of law is paralleled by an economization of the legal subject, which corresponds to a shift from the principle of jurisdiction (speaking the law) to the principle of veridiction (speaking the truth). This means nothing else than the scientization of classical notions of the law according to the criteria of modern economics. The legal subject is thus brought in line with the market citizen who – as an entity of both governance and self-governance – fits well into the market society. However, his self-concept is not only affected by the liberalization but, at the same time, also by the naturalization of the rules that the market has imported into the law.
  • Charitsis, Vassilis; Fyrberg Yngfalk, Anna; Skålén, Per (2019)
    While previous critical marketing research on co-creation has focused on how consumers' cognitive and social abilities are governed, this article focuses on how firms' marketing strategies attempt to govern every aspect of consumers' lives. By drawing on a biopolitical framework and a study of Nike+, a marketing system for runners which Nike has developed around its self-tracking devices, three biopolitical marketing dimensions were identified: the gamification of the running experience, the transformation of running into a competitive activity and the conversion of running into a social activity. In identifying these marketing dimensions, the study demonstrates how self-tracking affordances are deployed in the development of a biopolitical marketing environment that tames, captures and appropriates value from different aspects of consumers' lives, including - and combining - their social behaviours, cognitive capacities and bodily conducts. This article contributes to critical studies of value co-creation by focusing on the tamed self-tracking body as a resource for value creation, but also by demonstrating that consumers engage, through cognitive labour, in the production of the biopolitical environment that leads to their exploitation.
  • Korhonen, Emmi (Helsingfors universitet, 2017)
    This master’s thesis explores governmentality within the context of a private company providing integration courses for unemployed immigrants. The main aspirations of this research are threefold: firstly, to analyze the ways in which students and teachers of the courses are governed and secondly, to identify what kind of subjects the governance is creating. Thirdly, the research deconstructs Finnishness to scrutinize what kind of ideal citizen is recreated at the courses. The data of this research include interviews of the teachers and their superior, field notes written at the integration courses and pictures of the course premises. The data was analyzed by qualitative content analysis. The theoretical framework of this research consists of governmentality studies and studies on precarious work. Governmentality studies, established by Michel Foucault, have previously focused on, for example, governance of unemployment and governance of migration. The studies have examined the ways in which neoliberalism has brought market rationalism in the realm of public services. Research on precarious work, in turn, has given outlooks on insecurity of employees with university degrees at labour market. According to the findings of this research, the competitive bidding system of the integration courses creates insecurity and constant change that falls on the students and the teachers respectively. Governance makes the teachers and the students joyful, motivated, disciplined and responsible. The teachers are governed by poor terms and conditions of job contracts and by workplace facilities of low quality. The teachers have thus ended up in precarious position. The students’ bodies and behavior are changed to increase their Finnishness and employability. They are pushed towards precarious jobs but they expect something better. Finnishness is represented at the courses as equal, positive and calm. In this light, it is possible to argue that neoliberalist values and practices have spread over the field of integration. Market rationality is visible in all activities at the integration courses, which intensifies governance at the courses. At integration courses, two precarious groups encounter: the immigrants and their teachers. Finally, it can be said that the courses promote hierarchy and power relations instead of equality.