Browsing by Subject "justice"
Now showing items 1-20 of 20
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(2021)Although Social Cure research shows the importance of family identification in one's ability to cope with stress, there remains little understanding of family responses to human rights violations. This is the first study to explore the role of family identity in the collective experience of such violations: meanings ascribed to suffering, family coping strategies, and family-based understandings of justice. Semi-structured interviews (N = 27) with Albanian dictatorship survivors were analysed using Social Identity Theory informed thematic analysis. The accounts reveal Social Cure processes at work, whereby family groups facilitated shared meaning-making, uncertainty reduction, continuity, resilience-building, collective self-esteem, and support, enhanced through common fate experiences. As well as being curative, families were contexts for Social Curse processes, as relatives shared suffering and consequences collectively, while also experiencing intergenerational injustice and trauma. Although seeking and achieving justice remain important, the preservation of family identity is one of the triumphs in these stories of suffering.
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(Science Direct, 2020)Energy Research Social Science 70 (2020), 101574Arguably the most powerful artifact of the 20th century, the private car brought profound spatial, social, and cultural changes, as well as wide-ranging mobility justice implications. Autonomous mobility technologies, with the power to supplant part or all of the action of the driver by collecting and processing large quantities of fine grained data, promise to shift power away from users to engineers and create new important spatial and social implications for mobility justice, of which little are known. This research draws from Foucauldian conceptualizations adapted for the study of geographies of power to investigate how autonomous mobility technology may diagram spatial rationalities and moralities into the built environment. To that effect, it draws from 30 interviews of intermediaries in Finland–a country actively pursuing a transition to automated and shared mobility as part of an ICT-driven innovation policy. Examining autonomous mobility through a Foucauldian lens helps highlight the complex power relations it affords–in terms of changes in social structure and infrastructure, and social justice. By shedding light on how technology may structure the built environment, the Foucauldian perspective shows itself to be a valuable tool for planning and policymaking, providing insight into how autonomous mobility (in)justice may be assembled.
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(2019)It is widely accepted that the seventeenth-century natural lawyers constructed the minimal requirement for social coordination between self-seeking individuals animated by the desire for self-preservation. On most interpretations, Grotius and his successors focused on the "perfect" duties (rules of justice) and had little to say about the "imperfect" duties of love and civility. This essay provides an alternative reading of post-Grotian natural law by reconstructing Pufendorf's and Locke's understanding of how the duties of civility and love might be realised in civil society. The essay argues that, for Pufendorf and Locke, the desire for esteem offers an explanation of how people recognize the content of the reciprocal duties of social morality and motivate themselves to act accordingly. The reconstruction of their views on the beneficial effects of esteem-seeking points towards a new interpretation of how, and why, philosophical interest in an economy of esteem and the social nature of the self emerged, prior to their treatment by eighteenth-century authors such as Hume and Smith.
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(2022)Social identity approach (SIA) research shows that commu- nity members often work together to support survivors of collective victimization and rectify social injustices. How- ever, complexities arise when community members have been involved in perpetrating these injustices. While many communities are unaware of their role in fostering victimi- zation, others actively deny their role and responsibility to restore justice. We explore these processes by investigating experiences of community violence and collective justice- seeking among Albanian survivors of dictatorial crimes. Sur- vivors (N = 27) were interviewed, and data were analysed using theoretical thematic analysis guided by the SIA. The analysis reveals the diverse ways communities can become harmful ‘Social Curses’. First, communities in their various forms became effective perpetrators of fear and control (e.g., exclusion and/or withholding ingroup privileges) dur- ing the dictatorship because of the close relationship between communities and their members. Second, commu- nities caused harm by refusing to accept responsibility for the crimes, and by undermining attempts at collective action to address injustices. This lack of collective accountability also fosters survivors' feelings of exclusion and undermines their hope for systematic change. Implica- tions for SIA processes relating to health/wellbeing (both Social Cure and Curse) are discussed. We also discuss impli- cations for understanding collective action and victimhood.
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(2020)Data activism has emerged as a response to asymmetries in how data and the means of knowledge production are distributed. This article examines MyData, a data activism initiative developing principles for a new technical and commercial ecosystem in which individuals control the use of personal data. Analyzing material collected at a formative event shaping MyData activism, we examine how more just data arrangements are framed to enhance equal participation. Our analysis shows agreement on what is ultimately at stake: individual data agency and fair competition in the data economy. However, two alternatives are offered for what participation involves. Collaboration with commercial actors favors framing participation as agency in data markets, thereby potentially limiting the scope of what is at stake. The alternative framing presents a rights-based understanding of economic and civic agency, potentially leading to a broader understanding of participation in a datafied society.
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(Elsevier BV, 2022)Journal of Rural StudiesEnvironmental and political debate concerning the role of agriculture in sustainability has long been on the agenda. However, owing to climate change, an analysis of the transition to a low-carbon society must also be considered from the perspective of justice. Dairy farming, in particular, faces pressure in this context, when contemplating changing consumer behaviors and reduction in the carbon footprint of dairy products. Accordingly, many dairy farmers are struggling with the profitability and high production costs of farming. This study examines the experiences and perceptions of dairy farmers in Finland. The theoretical background is predicated upon the “just transition” literature. Additionally, recent literature regarding farmers' attitudes and agency, related to climate and environmental change, is utilized. A collaborative, empirical study of the Finnish dairy co-op Valio Ltd.‘s carbon-neutral milk chain program was conducted. The authors interviewed 18 dairy farmers and examined their motivations and barriers to carbon-neutral practices. Their experiences and perceptions of justice, in the context of a carbon-neutral milk chain, were studied. This study elucidates how to shift to carbon-neutral agriculture in such a way that dairy farmers perceive this systemic change as justified and acceptable. The results indicate that from the farmers' perspective, three key justice issues need consideration: 1) profitability of farming, 2) blaming of farmers, and 3) use of agricultural peatlands.
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(2006)Millions of people in the world are affected by extreme poverty. Most of the citizens of the affluent western countries recognise that they have an obligation not to do harm to other people, no matter who they are, or whatever country they happen to live in. In addition, many people have a strong intuition that something should be done to help the people who are suffering in other countries, and that it would be just that everyone would have an adequate standard of living. The aim of this Master's thesis is to examine how the claim that justice should be realised on a global level could be justified. To do this, I will assess the arguments of Peter Singer, John Rawls, and Henry Shue, who base their theories on utilitarianism, contractarianism, and human rights respectively. Singer's argument is expressed in his article 'Famine, Affluence, and Morality' (1972). The basis of John Rawls's theory can be found in his A Theory of Justice (1971), and his later arguments concerning global justice in Law of Peoples (1999). However, expanding Rawls's theory on a global level is done by Charles Beitz and Thomas Pogge, whose arguments have been expressed in a selection of publications. Henry Shue elaborates his theory in his Basic Rights: Subsistence, Affluence, and U.S. Foreign Policy (1980). Even though these philosopher's have very different theoretical backgrounds and justifications for their arguments, their perspectives share the idea of universal humanity and equality between human beings. Thus it will become evident that the same outcome can be reached by very different routes. I will examine the theories, pick up their strong points and weaknesses, and evaluate whether their normative prescriptions could be realistically implemented. The aim is also to try to make the issue of global justice more understandable, clarify the important points, outline the framework of the discussion, and compare the different views taken on the subject. It will become clear that the theories are insufficient to give a justification for the question on global justice, as they face some insurmountable problems both on theoretical and practical level. Their incommensurability also makes it difficult to make comparisons to find out, which of them could be more useful or realisable. However, the theories have an important function, as they provide the framework, without which the conversation on the subject would be difficult, maybe even impossible. At the end of the thesis it will be suggested that perhaps the issue of global justice should be approached from a totally new perspective. The orthodox ways of thinking that have been taken for granted should thus be challenged. Whatever the case, the question and problems of global justice cannot be swept under the carpet, as they are something that become more urgent by day, effecting all human beings.
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(National Academy of Sciences, 2021)Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences Sep 2021, 118 (36) e2102798118The speed and uncertainty of environmental change in the Anthropocene challenge the capacity of coevolving social–ecological–technological systems (SETs) to adapt or transform to these changes. Formal government and legal structures further constrain the adaptive capacity of our SETs. However, new, self-organized forms of adaptive governance are emerging at multiple scales in natural resource-based SETs. Adaptive governance involves the private and public sectors as well as formal and informal institutions, self-organized to fill governance gaps in the traditional roles of states. While new governance forms are emerging, they are not yet doing so rapidly enough to match the pace of environmental change. Furthermore, they do not yet possess the legitimacy or capacity needed to address disparities between the winners and losers from change. These emergent forms of adaptive governance appear to be particularly effective in managing complexity. We explore governance and SETs as coevolving complex systems, focusing on legal systems to understand the potential pathways and obstacles to equitable adaptation. We explore how governments may facilitate the emergence of adaptive governance and promote legitimacy in both the process of governance despite the involvement of nonstate actors, and its adherence to democratic values of equity and justice. To manage the contextual nature of the results of change in complex systems, we propose the establishment of long-term study initiatives for the coproduction of knowledge, to accelerate learning and synergize interactions between science and governance and to foster public science and epistemic communities dedicated to navigating transitions to more just, sustainable, and resilient futures.
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(2020)This introduction underlines some of the topics the present thematic issue focuses on, such as segregation and security, control and creativity, resistance and networking, presenting continuities and changes in urban governance and urban justice in different parts of the world. We argue that urban theory should be rethought to consider cities as fora that recentre the ‘political’ in relation to gentrification, rights to the city, justice, and alternative urbanisms. We highlight structural aspects of urban policy and planning, including the intersection of mega-development projects with disruptive acts of social dispossession and efforts to depoliticise institutional control. Simultaneously, we emphasise tactics that reinterpret hierarchical modes of governance and create initiatives for enhanced justice through claim-making, negotiation, improvisation, acts of everyday resistance and organised opposition.
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(Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)The intersections of climate change and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) have increasingly received attention from international organisations but also from academia. For some, establishing these intersections is about reducing human pressure on the Earth systems, while for others it is about the human rights of vulnerable individuals and communities. Many have lauded these connections for providing a win-win solution for both. While these benefits are championed, there has been little reflection on the underlying motives and justifications for establishing these connections in the first place. Given the problematic past of population control policies, understanding these justifications is necessary to break away from the neo-colonial practices of the past. This thesis investigates the motives and justifications for establishing such intersections between SRHR and climate change. Specifically, the thesis addresses two questions, namely: 1) In what ways are the interconnections between SRHR and climate change justified in academic literature? 2) What are the implications of the ways in which these interconnections are justified? By drawing on a postcolonial feminist theoretical framework rooted in understanding this nexus critically, and carefully reflecting on the implications of these discourses, the thesis answers these questions by systematically drawing on a sustained body of research. The data consist of 88 academic publications that are systematised through discourse analysis. The findings identify six distinctive intersectional discourses which reflect the ways in which SRHR, and climate change are justified, namely: public health, population dynamics, reproductive rights, critical, sustainable development and environment discourses. Largely reflecting adherence to liberal feminist and populationist frameworks, these findings imply that the discourses, justifications, and motives do not sufficiently address the neo-colonial practices and structural inequalities that shape intersections between SRHR and climate change. Analytically, therefore, this thesis suggests that postcolonial feminism offers a more effective way for understanding intersectional discourses because it recognises how power inequalities manifest in the discourses, while contributing towards more justice-based approaches to sustainability.
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(2007)This study examines the content of the term 'neoliberalism' and the possible ways to utilize it as a concept in the context of political philosophy. Neoliberalism is primarily an economic and a political doctrine, which is here presumed to represent the return of the ideas from the classical liberal period. Since the revival of political philosophy in the 1970's, neoliberalism can be seen to have developed philosophical content. However, any specific structure or a discipline, to which any writer would declare to belong to, has not formed yet. This has lead several commentators, such as Eerik Lagerspetz and Anna-Maria Blomgren, to recommend against using the concept as the field of study is still too fragmented. The process of study will advance following the structure of systematic analysis. Additionally some influences are taken from the hermeneutic tradition. The hermeneutic circle will provide an opportunity to examine a large subject matter with a relatively small amount of preliminary research. On a chapter-to-chapter basis the study will concentrate on an accurate systematic analysis of the concept. After an initial sketch of the concept is made, some philosophically inclined writers who are considered neoliberal are examined. In this case Friedrich August von Hayek, Robert Nozick and James M. Buchanan are presented. Essential concepts are selected from the most important political-philosophical texts of these writers. These concepts are then compared with each other in the systematic section. The following concepts are discussed here: the individual, liberty, rights, social justice and the state. The analysis at the end of this study will compile, on the grounds of the examined concepts and their relations with each other, two dominant varieties (deontological and consequentialist) of neoliberalism. The internal problems of these varieties and the similarity with the term 'libertarianism', which is already recognized in the discourse of political philosophy, lead to a concurring recommendation with the previous commentaries: the application of the concept 'neoliberalism' is not recommended due to poor quality of the theories within the field of study. The possibility to use 'neoliberalism' as an intermediatory category between liberalism and libertarianism is, however, not overruled. The prerequisite for this is that new forms of contemporary, extreme liberalism would be created, with preferably more argumentative force than the ones examined here. In the end, the philosophical examination of neoliberalism is deemed fruitful in the sense that the concept is located between the disciplines of economics and political philosophy. This implies the possible result of discovering new tools for the analysis of philosophical foundations of economic theory.
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(2020)Social reconciliation has received much attention in Christian churches since the late 1980s. Both the Church of Sweden and the Church of Norway initiated reconciliation processes with the Saami (also “Sami” or “Sámi”), the indigenous people of Northern Europe, at the beginning of the 1990s. As former state churches, they bear the colonial burden of having converted the Saami to Lutheranism. To make amends for their excesses in the missionary field, both Scandinavian churches have aimed at structural changes to include Saaminess in their church identities. In this article, I examine how the Church of Sweden and the Church of Norway understand reconciliation in relation to the Saami in their own church documents using conceptual analysis. I argue that the Church of Sweden treats reconciliation primarily as a secular concept without binding it to the doctrine of reconciliation, making the Church’s agenda theologically weak, whereas the Church of Norway utilizes Christian resources in its comprehensive approach to reconciliation with the Saami. This article shows both the challenges and contributions of the Church of Sweden and the Church of Norway to the hotly debated discussions on truth and reconciliation in the Nordic Saami context.
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Reparations for Slavery? Justice through Global Redistribution or Methods of Dealing with the Past (2002)This thesis focuses on slavery as an example of a past injustice and how the issue came up in the World Conference against Racism in Durban (WCAR), South Africa, held 31 August – 7 September 2001. The legacies of slavery, slave trade and colonialism and their implications almost ruined the whole WCAR conference as African countries raised the issue of slavery on the agenda of the conference. They wanted an apology for slavery and reparations for it. Not surprisingly, the issue was a red cloth for the United States and Western European countries with colonial pasts. The WCAR process and also the experiences from the national truth commissions and trials in transitional situations have showed that not only economic factors but also the issues of the past are important to people. As slavery and past injustices in general do seem to have consequences even today, in this thesis I will try to answer to the questions what has been done in order to amend the past wrongs, especially for slavery, and what other alternatives there might be available in solving the problem that such issues have presented. I will look at the slavery in the context of dealing with the past. In the last three decades there are several examples of states which after abuses of human rights or transitions to a more democratic regime have dealt with their difficult past. I will present a short overview of the practices from the reality, and look into the different ways to deal with the past. Two methods are taken into closer examination, i.e. trials and tribunal and truth commissions. From this point of view I will examine whether the methods and proceedings applied so far in the domestic use may be appropriate also on the global scale. A part of the scientific significance of this work arises in the connection of two, at least so far quite separate discourses, namely the discourse of dealing with the past and the discourse on global (distributive) justice. In the theoretical framework I will examine probably the most important work in the field of distributive justice, namely John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice, published in 1971. Distributive justice is about allocation of present and future recourses, but pays no attention to history and memory in its definition of justice. This is where this thesis brings something new to the field of global justice.
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(2019)This paper explores how Finnish research ethics deals with matters of justice on the levels of practical regulation, political morality, and theoretical studies. The bioethical sets of principles introduced by Tom Beauchamp and James Childress in the United States and Jacob Dahl Rendtorff and Peter Kemp in Europe provide the conceptual background, together with a recently introduced conceptual map of theories of justice and their dimensions. The most striking finding is that the internationally recognized requirement of informed consent for research on humans can be ideologically tricky in a Scandinavian welfare state setting.
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(Helsingfors universitet, 2017)Prosocialt beteende, som alltså syftar till beteende som främjar andras väl, har länge varit av stort intresse inom flera vetenskapsområden. Ett flertal olika förklaringar har föreslagits för varför människor beter sig prosocialt eller antisocialt. En möjlig förklaring är de olika rättviseperspektiv som individen kan tillämpa när hen försöker avgöra om en situation är rättvis. De olika perspektiven delas ofta in i egoistiska, självcentrerade, empatiska och annan-orienterade. I denna avhandling granskas samband mellan individens rättviseperspektiv och prosocialt beteende. Syftet är att replikera tidigare resultat gällande dessa samband. Det empiriska data som används i denna studie samlades in i Kölns universitet år 2012. Tyska universitetsstuderande (N = 58) fyllde först på internet i Justice Sensitivity Inventory-mätinstrumentet (JSI). Ett halvt år senare bjöds de in till universitetet för en synbart orelaterad studie där de spelade en omgång av det så kallade diktatorspelet. I spelet fick de dela en åt dem given summa pengar (10 €) mellan sig själva och en annan deltagare. Andelen pengar deltagarna delade med sig indikerade prosocialt beteende. Faktoranalys visade att JSI mätte rättviseperspektiv på ett förväntat och pålitligt sätt. Men i regressionsanalys, där JSI användes för att förutspå prosocialt beteende, uppstod det problem med multikollinearitet; de ovan uppräknade fyra JSI faktorerna korrelerade för starkt med varandra för att kunna användas samtidigt som oberoende variabler i regressionsanalys. Modellen förenklades därför till två faktorer: offerkänslighet och annan-orienterad känslighet. Den förenklade modellen undvek problemet med multikollinearitet. Resultaten visade att annan-orienterad känslighet förutspådde prosocialt beteende. Resultaten tydde på att individers rättviseperspektiv kan bidra till att förklara skillnader i prosocialt beteende. Resultaten stöder även tankegången om empati som en av drivkrafterna för prosocialt beteende. Ett annan-orienterat rättviseperspektiv har i tidigare studier visats ha en stark koppling till affektiv empati. Detta är naturligt eftersom en central del av detta perspektiv är individens förmåga att föreställa sig hur andra känner sig i orättvisa situationer. Men det är även värt att påpeka att nästan hälften av deltagarna valde att inte alls dela med sig, vilket tyder på vikten av egoistiska motiv. Individer kan ta olika perspektiv angående rättvisefrågor i olika situationer. Ett mycket annan-orienterat rättviseperspektiv betyder alltså inte att individen alltid kommer att bete sig empatiskt eller prosocialt i situationer där andra möter orättvisa.
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(Helsingin yliopisto, 2018)This is a qualitative case study that contributes to the discussion of political ecology of water in the region where the water resources are scarce. Empirically, the thesis focuses on the meaning of water scarcity around the region of the Sea of Galilee in Israel. To discuss water scarcity around the Sea of Galilee, this thesis examines the concepts of governance, politics of scale, dimensions of water and environmental justice that are part of wider academic discussion of political ecology. This study collects the experiences and perceptions of local farmers from the Sea of Galilee and reflects these with the relevant aspects in current political ecology discussion. The data of the study consist of individual experiences and narratives of water scarcity in the agricultural sector, collected from Israeli farmers. The ethnographic research consisted of 10 interviews, participant observation and document analysis of news articles, NGO-report, Israeli national water plan and OECD-report of Israeli agriculture. The data was analyzed using qualitative thematic analysis tools, against the theoretical framework of political ecology of water. The findings of this study demonstrate that water scarcity is a multi-scalar phenomenon that is both natural and human-made. Water scarcity needs to be examined from various perspectives that are interconnected as well as overlapping. Through analysis, the thesis demonstrates that the role of agriculture had and still has an important meaning for nation-building in Israel. The thesis also demonstrates that water governance is a complex process that includes several actors and where the power structures create dynamic imbalances. Water governance in Israel is shaped by institutions and legal framework, cultural values, historical development, technologies and physical access to water. The result of the thesis adds understanding to the challenges of water scarcity in contemporary world where power asymmetries are constantly present. Conflicts over water and water scarcity are already seen in globalized world and therefore the findings of this thesis opens further dimensions to study water-related challenges in areas where water scarcity is witnessed.
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(2004)The two questions that I will address in this paper are: (1) How should justice for cultural minority groups be defined in culturally diverse democratic societies? (2) How equal justice is best secured? The primary focus of my discussion is the secularism law in France. I will first argue for the view that common rights of citizenship (i.e. basic liberal civil and political rights) are not by themselves enough to secure equal justice for cultural minority groups. Cultural minority groups need to be granted differentiated citizenship rights, because democratic politics is typically connected to a dominant culture and thereby unjustly disadvantage members of cultural minorities. I will also argue for the view that justice for cultural minority groups includes their right to challenge the prevailing norms of the society. Subsequently, I will point out that the right to challenge the prevailing norms of the society is an essential ingredient of deliberative democracy, albeit controversial for liberal democratic theories. However, theorists of deliberative democracy most directly influenced by Jürgen Habermas's discourse ethics are not able to translate the discursive conception of democratic legitimacy into substantial political participation for cultural minority groups. The reason for this is that their theories incorporate exclusionary assumptions. I shall argue for the view that deliberative theory of democracy need not abandon the discursive conception of democratic legitimacy, even though it abandons the problematic and exclusionary ideals of strong consensus and common good. Lastly, I attempt to present a practical solution to the problem of how to ensure inclusion of cultural minority groups to mainstream political institutions. I will first argue for the view that Iris Marion Young's conception of a fully differentiated citizenship to ensure the inclusion of cultural minority groups is both problematic and untenable. Following this, I will argue that Will Kymlicka's conception of group self-representation rights within a framework of universal citizenship rights provides a much better alternative. However, the practicality of group self-representation rights requires that the issue about how to combine individual rights with group rights is solved. I will argue for the view that both political decision-making processes and the outcomes of political decision-making processes must respect each individual's agency rights.
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(Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)The mediation of intimate partner violence (IPV) has been statutorily regulated in Finland since year 2006. Earlier IPV was mediated around Finland to different extents. The mediation of IPV has been very controversial from the very beginning. Status of victims has been considered bad, there have been doubts about her/his voluntariness and it has been seen that the suspect is too slightly affected. On the other hand there has been a lot good experiences of mediation and the parties have been instructed to further services. This thesis studies perceived justice and voluntariness in the mediation of IPV and perceived mediation procedures of mediation parties and mediators. As a control group in the study there were mediation parties and mediators of cases with other violence than IPV. The study was cross-sectional and the survey aimed to cover all parties and mediators of IPV and non-IPV violence mediation cases managed by three service providers in Finland during 12 months period. Measure of perceived justice was based on results by Colquitt (2001) and Gramatikov et al (2009), measure of voluntariness was based on self-regulation questionnaires of self-determination theory and measure of mediation procedure was based on the metamodel of Alexander (2008). The survey was tested by employees of mediation service providers and by voluntary mediators. After a short period it was found that the response rate is very low. As a corrective action the survey was truncated but despite survey simplification response rate did not achieve target level. Data (n = 169) was analysed with R software using illustrative figures, factor analysis, non-parametric test, linear regression analysis and logistic regression analysis. Based on study data mediation parties perceive mediation as more fair than mediators. Parties also perceive that mediators control more the process than mediators assess but parties are more satisfied with the mediation than mediators assess. There are no differences of perceived voluntariness and justice between IPV mediation and other violence than IPV mediation. Facilitative mediation style is in positive relation with perceived justice in IPV cases but in control group no relation was seen between the constructs. Almost all mediation parties are very satisfied with the mediation and their perceived justice is very positive. Even the parties see that they are voluntarily in mediation, they might feel guilty if they were not aiming to reconciliation, or they might think that their refusal to participate mediation could upset the other party. Study data supports that it’s reasonable to continue IPV mediation but attention should be drawn to the genuine desire and capacity of the parties to participate mediation. In the thesis there are some recommendations how to develop mediation activities. Further studies are needed to understand better IPV mediation effectiveness and how the parties and mediators perceive the mediation. In the thesis a study design is presented to get valid and reliable data for continuous development of IPV mediation activities.
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(Elsevier, 2021)Forest Policy and Economics 128: 102457There is increasing political interest in the use of voluntary agreements (VA) as a policy instrument. The attraction has grown also in environmental policy, VAs are expected to be less costly, more effective and more cost-efficient than regulation. Using a realist review methodology, our analysis focuses on the effect of contextual factors and mechanisms on private forest owners' willingness to enter into formal voluntary nature conservation agreements. The framework we use to analyse the effects includes: forest owner characteristics, forest attributes, institutional context and process, advisors and other forest owners, and contract design, for contextual factors – and economic attitudes, environmental attitudes, sense of autonomy, sense of justice and fairness, trust as well as knowledge, for mechanisms. The analysis allowed merging findings from different types of VAs in varying contexts in a systematized way, and consolidating evidence of how the mechanisms influence the programme implementation process, and its outcome. 43 reviewed articles, from an originally retrieved set of 2231 papers, provide evidence for environmental attitudes supporting willingness to enter into an agreement. Environmental attitudes are strengthened by forest owners' wishes to protect a heritage, suggesting considerable influence through personal, emotional attachment to the forest. This finding shows the central role played by sense of autonomy, with economic compensation also importantly affecting the willingness to enter a VA. Along with these results, the developed comprehensive analytical framework shows how VAs can become more effective if tailored for different contexts and types of forest owners.
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(2001)This is a study of all the reasons why it is impossible to allow the Miccosukee Tribe of Florida to use their own culturally determined mode of dispute resolution to settle a homicide case. However, it is simultaneously also a methodological experiment on the way anthropological approach can be used to study state law. Thus, despite the importance of answers to the question posed here, at least equal significance is placed on all the ancillary information acquired on the way to answers: what kind of difficulties such an approach entails, and what kind of methodological choices can be used to overcome them. In other words the attempt is to take rather orthodox, although modified, anthropological methods to a whole new setting, and to study both what kind of new insights could be gained from such an approach, and to examine what kind of contributions the method could offer to this new field. Further questions are also created on the relationship of state law to other modes of social control - should all of them be the subject of study, or should clear division be maintained between formal and casual modes dispute resolution? What should then be identified as social control, and who should be identified as its author? Overall the study derives from a variety of sources, including newspaper articles, communications from the attorneys of the parties involved and other online documents.
