Browsing by Subject "maailmanpolitiikka"

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  • Kerttunen, Mika (Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulu, Strategian laitos, 2009)
    This thesis examines the interrelationship and dynamics between the Indian United Progressive Alliance government’s foreign policy and its nuclear weapons policy. The purpose of the study is to situate nuclear policy within a foreign policy framework, and the fundamental research problem is thus how does the Indian nuclear policy reflect and respond to the Indian foreign policy? The study examines the intentions in the Indian foreign and nuclear policies, and asks whether these intentions are commensurable or incommensurable. Moreover, the thesis asks whether the UPA government differs from its predecessors, most notably the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government in its foreign and nuclear policies. Answers to these questions are based on the interpretation of political texts and speeches as suggested by Quentin Skinner’s notion of meaning3, what does a writer or speaker mean by what he or she says in a given text, and by J.L. Austin’s speech act theory. This linguistic perspective and the approach of intertextualizing, place the political acts within their contingent intellectual and political contexts. The notion of strategic culture is therefore introduced to provide context for these juxtapositions. The thesis firstly analyses the societal, historical and intellectual context of India’s foreign and nuclear policy. Following from this analysis the thesis then examines the foreign and nuclear policies of Prime Minister Manmo-han Singh’s UPA government. This analysis focuses on the texts, speeches and statements of Indian authorities between 2004 and 2008. This study forwards the following claims: firstly, the UPA Government conducts a foreign policy that is mainly and explicitly inclusive, open and enhancing, and it conducts a nuclear policy that is mainly and implicitly excluding, closed and protective. Secondly, despite the fact that the notion of military security is widely appreciated and does not, as such, necessarily collide with foreign policy, the UPA Government conducts a nuclear policy that is incommensurable with its foreign policy. Thirdly, the UPA Gov-ernment foreign and nuclear policies are, nevertheless, commensurable re-garding their internal intentions. Finally, the UPA Government is conduct-ing a nuclear policy that is gradually leading India towards having a triad of nuclear weapons with various platforms and device designs and a function-ing and robust command and control system encompassing political and military planning, decision-making and execution. Regarding the question of the possible differences between the UPA and NDA governments this thesis claims that, despite their different ideological roots and orientations in domestic affairs, the Indian National Congress Party conducts, perhaps surprisingly, quite a similar foreign and nuclear policy to the Bharatiya Janata Party.
  • Junninen, Riitta (2002)
    Kansainvälisen politiikan tutkimuksessa ollaan yksimielisiä siitä, että maailmanpoliittisessa todellisuudessa on vuosituhannen vaihteessa tapahtunut merkittäviä muutoksia, joita ovat mm. kaksinapaisen maailmanjärjestyksen murtuminen ja kansainvälisten uhkakuvien rakenteellinen muutos. Nämä muutokset ovat synnyttäneet tieteenalaila runsaasti keskustelua realistisen valtateorian kyvykkyydestä mitata ja selittää näitä muutoksia. Maailmanpolitiikan reflektivistiset lähestymistavat olettavat todellisuuden sosiaalisissa prosesseissa rakentuvaksi ja kyseenalaistavat aikaan ja tilaan sidotun identiteetti-käsityksen varaan rakennetun teorian. Työ esittelee niitä tieteenfilosofisia erittelyjä ja kriittisiä huomioita, joita reflektivistit esittävät tieteenalan valtateorioiden sitoutumisesta positivistiseen tieteenkäsitykseen. Reflektivisteistä esille nostetaan postmoderni tulkinta, joka tulkitsee maailmanpolitiikan teoriaa yhtenä näkökuimana, lukutapana maailmanpoliittisista ilmiöistä.
  • Halme, Riina (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    Tavoitteenani on selvittää, millaisia kannanottoja paavi Paavali VI otti Vietnamin sotaan vuosina 1965–1973. Selvitän, miten paavi suhtautui sotaan, millaisia keinoja hän käytti tavoitellessaan rauhaa sekä millaisina hän näki sodan ratkaisut. Tarkastelen tutkimuksessani myös sitä, muuttuiko Paavali VI:n näkemys Vietnamin sotaan sen edetessä. Sen lisäksi tarkastelen sitä, kuinka valikoimani mediat suhtautuivat Paavali VI:n Vietnamin sotaa koskeneisiin kannanottoihin. Asetan tutkimustulokseni osaksi laajempaa kehystä Vietnamin sodan päättämiseksi tehdyssä työssä. Toteutan tutkimukseni tarkastelemalla Vatikaanin verkkosivuilla julkaistuja dokumentteja, joissa Paavali VI tavalla tai toisella linjaa suhtautumistaan Vietnamin sotaan tai siihen kiinteästi liittyviin teemoihin. Nämä dokumentit ovat yksityisiä kirjeitä, puheita, viestejä, kiertokirjeitä, rukouksia sekä ilmoituksia. Paavali VI:n dokumentteja, joita olen tutkimuksessani tarkastellut, on noin 40. Ne ovat pituudeltaan muutamasta virkkeestä yli 10 000-sanaisiin kannanottoihin. Toinen lähdeaineistoni ovat yhdysvaltalaiset sanoma- ja aikakausilehdet, joista tarkastelen välikoivin osin päivittäin julkaistua The New York Timesiä sekä viikoittain julkaistua katolilaista National Catholic Reporteria. Käsittelen tutkielmassani noin 80 lehtiartikkelia Analysoin lähteitäni laadullisesti. Tutkimukseni tuo esiin Paavali VI:n pitkäjänteisen panoksen rauhan saavuttamiseksi Vietnamissa. Tutkimukseni vuosina paavi otti monesti suoraan kantaa Vietnamin sodan päättämisen puolesta ja hänen selkeä tavoitteensa oli rauhan edistäminen alueella. Paavali VI käytti moninaisia keinoja tavoitteensa saavuttamiseksi ja käytti apunaan sekä rooliaan valtionpäämiehenä että katolisen kirkon hengellisenä johtajana. Paavali VI oli suoraan yhteydessä valtioiden päämiehiin ja vetosi yleisesti rauhan puolesta moneen otteeseen. Rauhantyö vaikuttaisi olleen Paavali VI:lle erittäin tärkeä tehtävä. Tämä tavoite huomattiin myös mediassa, minkä lisäksi myös Yhdysvaltain presidentti Richard Nixon totesi rauhan olleen paavin elämän tarkoitus. Media oli kiinnostunut paavin kommenteista ja kannanotoista erityisesti vuosina 1965–1968. Myös sen jälkeen paavi ylitti monesti uutiskynnyksen, mutta kiinnostus ei ollut enää niin suurta. Tarkastelemani mediat tulkitsivat usein paavin ottaneen kantaa Vietnamin sotaan, vaikka Paavali VI ei välttämättä puhunut Vietnamista suoraan. Vaikka paavi pääsi useasti otsikoihin juuri Vietnamin sodan ja sen rauhantyön yhteydessä, suuri osa paavin rauhantyöstä ja vaikuttamisesta tapahtui kuitenkin niin kutsutuissa kulisseissa eivätkä ne omalla ajallaan päätyneet median käsiin.
  • Eskola, Susanna (Helsingfors universitet, 2011)
    Tutkielma pyrkii vastaamaan kysymykseen, millaisin diskurssein naissotilaat ymmärrettiin Irakin sodan (v. 2003-2010) aikana Yhdysvalloissa. Kysymyksen kautta pyritään yleisemmin löytämään perusteita pohtia, ovatko naissotilaiden kasvanut määrä ja laajentunut tehtävänkuva Irakin sodassa muuttaneet sodan sukupuolittuneita rakenteita muuttamalla sodan sukupuolirooleja. Tutkielman lähtökohtana toimii feministitutkijoiden huomio siitä, että sota on sukupuolittunut ilmiö ja riippuvainen sukupuolittuneista rakenteista, normeista ja käytännöistä, joita se samalla vahvistaa. Sodan sukupuolittuneeseen luonteeseen kuuluu, että sukupuolille määrittyvät sodassa tietyt roolit, joiden perustellaan juontuvan biologisista ja luonnollisista eroista sukupuolten välillä. Perinteisesti miehet on määritetty taistelijoiksi, naiset suojelluiksi, uhreiksi ja miesten tukijoukoiksi kotirintamalla. Tämä tutkielma osallistuu tähän feministisen sodan tutkimuksen perinteeseen tarkastelemalla naissotilaiden diskursseja Irakin sodan aikana Yhdysvalloissa. Naissotilaat muodostavat kiinnostavan ryhmän, sillä toimiessaan maskuliiniseksi määrittyvässä roolissa he rikkovat perinteistä feminiinistä roolia sodassa. Tutkielma purkaa poststrukturalistisen diskurssianalyysin kautta, erityisesti Laclaun ja Mouffen käsittein sekä nojaamalla Butlerin määritelmään sukupuolten performatiivisyydestä, niitä hetkiä ja strategioita, joissa ymmärrystä Irakin naissotilaista tuotetaan ja nostaa esiin näiden merkitysjärjestelmien sisäisen rakenteen sekä suhteen muihin diskursiivisiin kenttiin. Näin ollen tutkielman tuloksena on mahdollista saavuttaa aiempaa syvällisempi ja kokonaisvaltaisempi käsitys niistä tavoista, joilla ymmärrystämme naissotilaista muodostetaan. Analyysin perusteella tutkielmassa hahmotetaan kolme keskenään kilpailevaa naissotilaita määrittävää diskurssia Yhdysvaltoihin rajatulla diskursiivisella kentällä; hegemoninen niin sanottu asesiskot-diskurssi, naissotilaiden itsensä tuottama sotamies Jane -diskurssi sekä äitisotilaita tuottava äidit sotapolulla -diskurssi. Vaikka Irakin naissotilaiden diskurssien voidaan tutkielman tulosten perusteella nähdä kohdistavan vain rajoitettuja muutoksia sodan sukupuolirajoihin ja -rooleihin, voidaan tutkielman perusteella kuitenkin samalla määrittää naissotilaat ja heihin liittyvä diskursiivinen muutos oleellisena tekijänä tuotettaessa yhteiskunnan laajempia määritelmiä sukupuolista. Tutkielman perusteella Irakin sodan naissotilaiden voidaan siis todella arvioida taistelevan varsin merkityksellistä sotaa, jonka toisena rintamana toimii raja sukupuolien välillä ja kiistely siitä mihin, miten ja kuka sen saa piirtää, ja tärkeimmin, tarvitaanko tällaista rajaa lainkaan?
  • Holappa, Lauri (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This is a study about a deep-seated fallacy in modern Political Economy research. This myth emphasises the ability of the bond markets to discipline the actions of all states by demanding either higher interest rates on government bonds or by refraining from lending to governments they dislike. I call this assumption the bond-market-power narrative (BMPN) and demonstrate its popularity in both strands of modern Political Economy, namely international political economy and comparative political economy. I prove that the BMPN must rely on a closed-systems-based understanding of economic theory in order to be internally coherent. Theoretical approaches founded on a closed-systems metatheory argue that the primary aim in the social sciences should be to detect geo-historical regularities between key factors. Relying on a critical-realist philosophy of social sciences I argue that such approaches are highly problematic because stable sequences cannot reliably be found in open systems such as human societies. I suggest that the so-called Say’s law forms the exact mechanism of how the closed-systems approach is realised in BMPN-based studies. Say’s law says that supply creates its own demand – at least in the long run – which is why demand stimulation cannot have important positive long-term effects. This is crucial since the key argument in my study is that all governments enjoying relatively strong monetary sovereignty can mostly bypass bond market influence by using direct central bank financing of fiscal deficits if there is enough political support for such actions. BMPN-based Political Economy literature, however, rejects this possibility – sometimes explicitly and at times implicitly. In economic theory, the risks of central bank financing of fiscal deficits are virtually always associated with the acceptance of some form of Say’s law. The idea is that fiscal deficits are possible in the long run only if government spending is financed through the central bank. However, since there is no output gap in the long run, the deficits primarily cause rising or even accelerating inflation rates. I conclude that BMPN scholars must have accepted, at least passively, such economic-theoretical views. BMPN-based studies could not otherwise be internally logical. For me, BMPN scholarship includes only studies that clearly present the material structures of the world economy as sources of market discipline. So, by definition, BMPN scholars do not discuss bond market power as a political idea being promoted by certain fractions of the society. Rather, in BMPN scholarship, bond market power is predominantly something that has been connected to the crisis of the tax state and the deregulation of global finance which, consequently, have forced ostensibly sovereign governments to be at the mercy of bond market vigilantes. I argue that the main schools of thought in economics compatible with the BMPN are neoclassical and classical-Marxian economics which both accept closed-systems theorising and some form of Say’s law. The major school of thought that most notably rejects such theorising is post-Keynesianism. Post-Keynesian theory argues that social reality is defined by fundamental uncertainty. Thus, there is no automatic adjustment towards any “natural” or “normal” rate (whether we are speaking of growth, capacity utilisation or unemployment) and therefore, the level of effective demand may differ, and output gap exist in all possible intervals. I further argue that the criticisms of post-Keynesians against the adjustment mechanisms at the heart of Say’s law are empirically convincing and therefore, the post-Keynesian depiction of the fiscal policy space is more accurate than neoclassical or classical-Marxian alternatives. However, even though I argue that governments with relatively strong monetary sovereignty cannot be disciplined by bond markets, I also accept the existence of important external limitations on state-level economic policy. The most significant such limitation is the balance-of-payments (BOP) constraint which says that most countries are unable to run permanent current account deficits without risking a collapse of the exchange rate. Yet, in this study it is pointed out that BOP constraints have existed for as long as there has been a discrepancy between the open world economy and territorialised political authority. Hence, the structural power of capital is not a new phenomenon and the deregulation of global finance has not, principally, added important new layers to the disciplinary capabilities of the capitalist class – at least not in a material sense. The most central finding of this study is that the acceptance, whether passive or active, of a closed-systems macroeconomic perspective is a necessary component of the bond-market-power narrative. Thus, the BMPN-based Political Economy studies do not primarily reveal much about the non-discoursive power structures of the world economy. On the contrary, these studies tend to be based on a replication of orthodox economic-theoretical views – and are often even unaware of this. Consequently, the argument put forward in this study is that the rejection of the BMPN is necessary for the progress of modern Political Economy research.
  • Tuominen, Hanna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    This dissertation studies the EU's normative power role at the Human Rights Council (HRC), which is the key UN body in the field of human rights. The EU has proclaimed an active and visible role in the HRC as an important part of its external human rights agenda. However, the EU's normative ambitions face challenges; other actors are not necessarily willing to accept the EU's role claims and deliver competing human right positions. In this respect, the HRC provides an interesting case for studying the recognition of the EU's normative power role in practice. The first two chapters present the theoretical, conceptual and methodological background of this dissertation. In particular, the EU role as a normative power is examined by combining it with role theory. As a consequence, the normative power role is seen as being closely related to the EU's own role conception or self-image. According to this self-perception, the EU claims to act as a force for good in global politics by promoting universal norms and standards through non-coercive measures. The EU is also seen to differ from other actors. However, as the EU's ambitious role claims do not necessarily correspond with its actual behaviour, the normative power role is better understood as an ideal-type. The EU's acts can more or less approximate this ideal in external human rights promotion. Because the normative power role is a highly Eurocentric notion and the debate is conducted mainly by European scholars, the alter side of this role is needed. Role theory enables a more critical approach to the normative power role by also directing attention to the EU's role performance and external perceptions of this role among different others. The EU's normative power role claims are especially evident in its external human rights promotion. Hence, this dissertation concentrates on examining the EU's role in global human rights governance. Chapter 3 demonstrates how domestic, regional and international factors have facilitated the development of the EU's role in this field. The normative power role draws attention to the EU definition of human rights and to the instruments it uses in human rights promotion. In order to be a normative power, the EU should also be able to achieve normative changes in others. In this respect the EU faces challenges, which become evident in the UN human rights machinery. Chapter 4 presents the UN Human Rights Council and the legal-institutional and political preconditions for EU participation therein. It demonstrates how the HRC is a case of inconvenient multilateralism for the EU, as the EU needs to balance between its normative commitments and multilateral preferences. The EU's normative power self-image and the coherence of this role are often taken for granted. However, an actor s role conceptions are rarely homogenous. Chapter 5 examines the self-perception of the EU at the HRC through official EU documents and statements. Furthermore, 23 theme interviews were conducted in 2013-2014 with the EEAS and EU member state human rights experts in Geneva and Brussels to reveal a more unofficial EU self-perception. The findings demonstrate that the official image underlines the EU role as a defender of universal human rights principles, a supporter and contributor to the UN, and a partner for others. Furthermore, the EU' s role has remained rather unchanged since the establishment of the HRC (2006). The policy practitioners views also supported the EU's normative power self-image; the EU was perceived, for example, as a promoter and defender of universal norms, a leader through its own example, and different from other actors. As a conclusion, the EU's self-perception at the HRC confirms the normative power role image, even if the limitations for practicing such a role at the HRC are acknowledged. This normative power self-perception is also shared among different EU actors. The EU's performance at the HRC has a key role in legitimizing its role claims as a normative power. Role performance refers to the actual behaviour of the EU, and it often differs from both ego and alter role expectations. Evaluating EU performance in different international organizations is important, but a demanding task because of its complex actorness. Chapter 6 examines EU performance along the lines of relevance, effectiveness, resource viability, and efficiency. These elements are able to capture the EU's success in relation to both HRC processes and outcomes. According to HRC participants, the EU has high relevance internally and externally, which provides legitimacy for EU participation. Effectiveness reflects the outcomes the EU has been able to achieve and can be studied through different measures. According to the data, the EU has succeeded in being internally effective and coherent, and has shown considerable external effectiveness through delivering statements and adopted resolutions. In this respect, EU records match well with its ambitious role claims. However, the EU's ability to contribute to the effectiveness of the HRC, as well as its efficiency, remains only moderate. With its enormous resources, the EU would have the potential for much more. The EU's inefficiency is related to its heavy internal dynamics, but also largely on external conditions. Chapter seven studies the external perceptions of the EU role at the HRC through 40 semi-structured interviews conducted in 2013-2014. The views of external others are able to outline the alter side of the EU's role. Studied external others include other UN member states, human rights organizations, and HRC Secretary Staff. States are classified into groups, such as EU allies, Moderates, Developing states, and EU opponents by taking into account their norm consistency with the EU and voting behaviour at the UN. The findings point to variable recognition of the EU's normative power role. The EU is seen as an important example that supports universal principles and the UN. The EU is also seen to prefer non-coercive measures against other actors. However, the EU's leadership is considered to be only issue-specific and the normative power image generally suffers from several inconsistencies. The EU's different approach is especially apparent when it is compared with the US. As a conclusion, the EU's normative power role is only partly recognized among its others, which gives reasons to reconsider the legitimacy of the normative power role. This dissertation provides an alternative approach to the EU's role as a normative power. The theoretical framework underlines how the EU's roles in the world should be studied by taking into account not only the EU s own role aspirations, but also its role performance and the alter side of these roles. The most valuable and interesting contribution of this thesis is the research interviews concerning internal and external perception of the EU role as a normative power. In general, the empirical chapters provide a comprehensive and detailed picture of the EU role in one particular institutional context, the UN Human Rights Council.
  • Trommer, Silke (2012)
    My thesis addresses the evolution of participatory trade policy-making practices in West African trade negotiations with the European Union that incorporate critcis of the global trade agenda. I examine the lessons West African participatory politics provides for tackling the technocracy/democracy deadlock in current governance practice. I also ask what the West African example means for trade theory. In terms of organising my arguments, I proceed in two steps. First, I identify West African civil society involvement in EPA negotiations as a participatory policy-making practice, and expose the roots of current trade theory s inability to account for the evolution and continued application of the practice in West Africa. More specifically, I argue that current trade policy formation theories focus on a peculiar reading of the economic to the detriment of the social aspects of trading and therefore fail to account for trade political change that emerges from the political and social realms. In the second part of my thesis, I adopt a broader analytical framework for the political economy of trade in order to analyse the process through which trade politics became participatory in West Africa. The idea that the social dimensions of the trading activity need to be taken seriously in studies of the political economy of trade lies at the heart of my argument. More specifically, I analyse the context in which EU-West African trade negotiations unfolded and opened possibilities for West African civil society organisations to use and manipulate structural conditions in ways that, over time, facilitated their participation in the policy process. They achieved this goal through reacting to and creating political opportunity for participation on the basis of several elements, none of which can be incorporated in standard political economy approaches to trade. They are: asymmetries in negotiating capacity and power between the negotiating parties, existing legal rights and norms in EU-ACP relations, their own trade policy experience and expertise, framing debates in ways that were conducive to civil society participation, and relying on the historical experiences and social realities of the West African region to forge solidarity among West African negotiators against the EU. I conclude that debates on the relationship between trade and democracy need to be resituated in view of my analysis. I argue that trade and democracy do not warrant direct comparison between a human activity observed across all recorded human history and a principle of political organisation that historically emerges in human societies on the basis of a specific set of values. If we accept that democracy should be the guiding principle of social organisation, the pertinent questions are therefore: (1) is trade policy-making democratic? and, if the answer is negative as current observers concur, (2) can international trade be organised in ways that are more democratic? In relation to the second question, my analysis of the West African experience provides important empirical evidence and suggests avenues for learning.