Browsing by Subject "minorities"

Sort by: Order: Results:

Now showing items 1-10 of 10
  • Dettmann, Heidi Johanna Philippa (2006)
    The purpose of this study is to provide a picture of how official language minorities are accommodated in three provinces in Canada (New Brunswick, Ontario and Quebec) as well as Canada as a whole. The nature of the study is exploratory and comparative. The comparative design of the study allows for comments on the differences and similarities between the cases on the selected issues i.e. public services, internal use, the legislature, legislation, the courts and judicial system, education and official declarations. The aim is not, however, to provide an empirical explanation with regard to the solutions used in the accommodation of minorities in the selected cases. There are, and always will be, linguistic minorities in all parts of the world. It is important to find solutions to the difficulties such minorities face or risk negative outcome like language loss or escalation of minority grievances into outright conflicts. Canada is somewhat of a pioneer when it comes to language policy. The existence of the francophone minority of Canada has in a significant way shaped the politics of the country e.g. it has been a significant contributing factor in the development of the Canadian federal model. This decentralized federal structure means that the constituent units have extensive autonomy to shape their own language policies. We can find different kinds of solutions to the "language challenge" within Canada. For this reason Canada is an interesting case for research on language issues. The theoretical framework of this study deals with different normative approaches to language rights, policy or rights options, issues relevant to language policy and models for the implementation of language rights through autonomy arrangements. A limitation of this essay is that the empirical material is composed of Canadian language legislation. Legislation and law reflect the social reality and goals of a society and can therefore lend insight into how language issues have been confronted in the provinces of interest as well as in Canada as a whole. Legislation does, however, not show the whole reality, it is not an exact reflection of society and hence the study must be read with this in mind. The study is of a qualitative nature and the number of cases is small, instead the selected cases have been analyzed in detail. The study shows that the different units have indeed tackled the "language challenge" in different ways. The federal government has used a policy of bilingualism in an attempt to unify the country. Also New Brunswick has opted for a bilingual language regime, with equality of status for the two official languages. Ontario on the other hand has no stated official language, but extends some services to the francophone minority population of the province. Quebec grants official language status only to its majority language, French. English language rights are granted as exceptions to the rule of French dominance.
  • Toivanen, Reetta; Kmak, Magdalena (Helsinki University Press, 2021)
    Within sustainability science, there are questions pertaining to how certain actions for guaranteeing a good life for one part of the population can even result in catastrophic consequences to another. The global holistic view that would address all inequalities and exclusions is one of the greatest challenges of today. In this chapter, we will elaborate on two central concepts of sustainability science that are particularly relevant to facing these challenges: inequality in access to power and exclusion from positions of power. These are both very visible acts of exclusion, often hidden in the very grain of society’s structure in a manner that makes them almost impossible to study and change. Inequality and exclusion are cultural constructions of power, and it is important to see how these influence practical actions and institutional (hidden) practices. The practices locate certain individuals or groups of people in a more disadvantaged position than others and naturalize these inequalities with a set of actions and explanations. This chapter will present the operation of these practices with two concrete, situated examples of migrants with irregular status in the European Union and the Roma minority in Finland.
  • Koivunen, Kristiina (1999)
    The aim of this research is to study the health situation in the Turkish part of Kurdistan (Southeast Turkey) during the 1990s. Since 1984 there has been going on an armed conflict between the Turkish army and Kurdistan Labour Party, the PKK. Since 1984 the army has used the strategy of low-intensity war towards the guerillas. To cut the supply routes of the guerillas, the army has forced people from three thousand villages to leave their homes. About three million Kurds live in Turkey as internally displaced persons. The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923 with the Treaty of Lausanne, according. to which the only minorities in Turkey are some non-muslim ones. According to the Constitution from 1982, there are no minorities in Turkey, and the mother language of all citizens' is Turkish, so there is no need even to discuss about the rights of minorities. The assimilation policy run by the state fills the criteria of cultural genocide. The theoretical framework of this research is theories connected to cultural genocide and low-intensity warfare. The information is collected for example from statistics of the State Institute of Statistics of Turkey - from reports given out by the U.S. Department of State, Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, Turkish Medical Association and the Labour Union of Health Care Saglik Sen - from travel reports and by interviewing Kurds who have visited the region. I have myself collected information in Turkey five weeks, during four journeys in 1997-1999. In the State of Emergency Region the amount of all diseases, of which there is any information available, has increased during the 1990s. The number of reported cases of malaria has became tenfold during some years, but the prevention of malaria has decreased during the same period. 19 polio cases were reported in 1998 in the region. In October 1998 the WHO arranged in the Kurdish region in Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria a campaign during which 2,3 million children were vaccinated towards polio. Also the amount of cholera, tuberculosis, hepatitis B and trachoma has increased during the 1990s. The Turkish Medical Associal estimates that infant mortality rate in the Kurdish provinces is two or three times as high as in other parts of Turkey. While the amount of diseases has increased, many of health centers have been closed due to lack of labour, or they have been taken into military use. No exact, thrustworthy information about the situation is available. Turkey has prevented international humanitarian organisations, like the Red Cross and Médecin Sans Frontières, to make any surveys about the situation, and to deliver aid to the homeless people. The denial of doing research is one aspect of cultural genocide: in Turkey Kurdish language, culture and identity are forbidden, but in addition to that, it is impossible to find information about the Kurds in statistics and research.
  • Wahlbeck, Östen (Gidlunds förlag, 2015)
    Antalet svenska medborgare som flyttar till Finland har stadigt ökat. Inflyttad från Sverige förklarar dynamiken i den nya svenska migrationen till Finland. Inflyttares erfarenheter analyseras med hjälp av teorier inom migrations- och etnicitetsforskningen. I boken presenteras en intervjustudie med svenska medborgare bosatta i Helsingfors. I fokus för studien står erfarenheter av sociala integrationsprocesser och etniska gränsdragningar i en lokal kontext. I Helsingfors utgör svenskspråkiga en språkminoritet. Analysen ger en förståelse för hur svenskar positionerar och orienterar sig i denna nya sociala och språkliga kontext. Boken är ett unikt bidrag till både invandringsforskningen i Finland och forskningen om utvandring från Sverige.
  • Rämö, Milja (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    This thesis looks at the National Unity and Brotherhood Process (2009–2015) that’s one aim was to solve the decades long conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The failure of the process created more violence in the country; hence, it is essential to look back and try to reflect what the process was about. The thesis aims to understand the governmental party’s (AKP) (self-)perceptions of the process and link them to the history of the Turkish Republic. When the Turkish Republic was established, the founding ideology was Kemalism that emphasized exclusive Turkish national identity, secularism and statism. It left little or no space for expressions Kurdish identities. For decades, Kurds were not directly mentioned in public and were spoken of trough frames of terrorism and underdevelopment. The conflict itself started at the turn of the 1980s when Kurdish bationalism found more leverage. Especially in the 1990s the violence in Kurdish regions escalated. Even though the situation had been more peaceful in the 2000s, the AKP wanted to solve the conflict once and for all. In this thesis the perceptions from the time of the process are researched from a governmental publication and from pieces of news by the state-run Anadolu Agency. In the qualitative analysis that was inspired by framing theory, it was notable that the voice of the state became more rigid throughout the process and enemy-images were reproduced more frequently towards the end. The analysis shows that in the process the Turkish state and party leading the state did not challenge pre-existing conceptions of the Kurdish population. Kurdish political movements were presented trough frames of terrorism, which has been a political strategy at least for a century. In addition, the state’s externally and internally created ontological insecurity was not addressed in the process, which highlighted the state’s ambivalent relationship to the minority. This thesis notes that the AKP had a wish to include the Kurdish minority into the political ideology of the party. However, it had little tolerance to Kurdish political movements that challenged the political power of the AKP. The wish and the lack of tolerance show that the state replicated patterns from the its history.
  • Mikkola, Kati Maria Henriikka; Olsson, Pia Johanna; Stark, Eija Kaarina (2019)
    The article analyzes the logic behind the archival policies concerning language and ethnic minorities in Finland, drawing examples from three minority groups: the Sámi, the Finnish Roma (the Kaale), and the Finland-Swedes. We base our discussion on the documented descriptions, manuscripts, questionnaires, and fieldwork activities dealing with language and ethnic minority groups archived by the Finnish Literature Society (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, SKS) and the Society of Swedish Literature in Finland (Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland, SLS) from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the early twenty-first century. Viewed from a historical perspective, the establishment of archives in Finland was inextricably connected to the societal power enjoyed by certain ethnic and language groups seeking to preserve their heritage.
  • Kaihovirta, Matias; Ahlskog, Jonas; Wickström, Mats (2020)
    The interpenetration of nationalism and socialism is a seminal problem for understanding 20th century labour movement history. This article approaches the issue of ideological interpenetration by way of a close examination of the relationship between minority nationalism and socialist unity during a formative phase for the Finnish labour movement in the post-war period. More precisely, the article investigates the Swedish-speaking minority within the Finnish labour movement and its attempt to unify different ideological factions in the labour movement through minority nationalism. The article contributes to the study of the relation between socialism and nationalism by extending the discussion to include national minorities and their relation to the socialist labour movement. The main theoretical innovation of the article is the concept of socialist minority nationalism. This concept will function as a heuristic tool for analysing the intersection of nationalism and socialist class-consciousness within the Finnish labour movement. The Swedish-speaking agents of the Finnish labour movement, and their socialist Finland-Swedish identity-project, has hitherto been neglected in Finnish labour history. Through historical investigations of national or ethnic minorities, or other past and present marginalized groups and individuals in labour history, it is possible to problematize the hegemonic historical narratives of the majority.
  • Leppänen, Upu (2008)
    This is a study about communal self-perceptions and collective identities that are formed as a response, critique, or contestation to prepositionings from the level of state. The aim of this study is to investigate the way personal narratives are intertwined with accounts of national history. The theoretical contribution of this study is to the anthropological debates on morality and ethnic identity while the ethnographic data presented address Southeast Asian and minority studies. This investigation is based on independent ethnographic research conducted during a total of 20 months (2002-2003, 2006-2007) in Yunnan and Guizhou provinces of the People’s Republic of China. Miao/Hmong areas were also visited in Thailand, Myanmar, Vietnam, and Lao PDR. Chapter 1 (Locating the Field) contextualizes gathered ethnographic data while Chapter 2 (Methodology) expounds on anthropological research methods. The theoretical focus of this study is on the anthropology of morality (Ch. 3-5: themes of moral arenas and traditions) and ethnic identity (Ch. 6-9: themes on belonging, exemplarity, authenticity, and liminality). Questions of structure and agency are considered extensively in Chapters 10 and 11. Key anthropological sources are from White (1981), Urban (1996), the Comaroffs (1992), Schein (2000), Dawson (1978), and Teppo (2004). Primary sources stem from extensive participant-observation, autobiographical writings by two Miao women, and thematic interviews of Chinese minority as well as majority informants. The ethnographic data presented revolve around the lives of two young Miao women. Through this case study the process of narrativization is examined as an impulse to moralize reality. I argue that ethnic meta-narratives highlight where dialogics of othering are at play. The Miao are an external minority “Other” that function as a conceptual confirmation of the existence of the Chinese majority, or Han essence of the state. The Chinese “body ethnic” is conceptualized as an internal other and as a point of tangency where the Chinese state is contiguous with what lies beyond. Rhetoric of moral ethnicity is utilized by the state to implement and justify the process of nationalism as well as to evade or reinterpret it. This study indicates that a identities are at play within several distinct, occasionally overlapping, and, at times, contesting cultural spheres that constitute moral guidelines of “rites and wrongs,” or varying demands and definitions of one’s ethnic identity. Tämä opinnäytetyö koskee Kiinan miao-vähemmistön yhteisöllisiä omakuvia ja kollektiivisia identiteettejä, jotka rakentuvat reaktioina, kritiikkeinä tai vastatoimina valtiotason asetelmille. Tutkimus pohjautuu 20 kuukauden itsenäiseen etnografiseen kenttätyöhön, joka tehtiin Kaakkois-Aasian Kultaisen kolmion alueella (Kiina, Thaimaa, Lao PDR, Vietnam ja Myanmar). Aineisto etnisyyden moraliteeteista kontribuoi poliittisen antropologian, Kaakkois-Aasian tutkimuksen ja vähemmistötutkimuksen diskursseihin.
  • Mäkinen, Mika (2006)
    The break-up of Yugoslavia in the 1990s resulted in a substantial movement of population within, into and out of the Republic of Croatia. Among these movements between 300,000 and 350,000 Croatian Serbs left their homes in Croatia during the years 1991-1995. The return of these refugees continues to be controversial for Croatia even over ten years after the end of the wars in Croatia and Bosnia. This study evaluates the success of return process of Croatian Serb refugees as well as the main impediments hampering this return. It becomes clear that the return of Serb refugees has not been a success. Key reasons obstructing the return have been lack of security, discriminatory domestic legislation and its application as well as difficulties in housing related issues. One can conclude that the Croatian authorities have not been willing to fully facilitate the return of Croatian Serbs. Apparent failure of domestic and international efforts to promote the return of refugees and displaced persons has left the displacement of Croatian Serb minority largely in place. Judging by the actions of the Croatian authorities it can be deduced that only a resolute response from the international community could have opened a way for successful minority return. For the most part such resoluteness has been missing. Main sources pertaining to this study come about the work of international organisations that have had an extensive field presence in all relevant areas of Croatia for years, namely European Union Monitoring Mission (EUMM) and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Reporting of these organizations is supplemented to the achievements of various other international actors as well as reports and programs of the Croatian authorities. The time period observed reaches from 1995 to late 2003.
  • Keskinen, Suvi; Skaptadóttir, Unnur Dís; Toivanen, Mari (Routledge, 2019)
    This book critically engages with dominant ideas of cultural homogeneity in the Nordic countries and contests the notion of homogeneity as a crucial determinant of social cohesion and societal security. Showing how national identities in the Nordic region have developed historically around notions of cultural and racial homogeneity, it exposes the varied histories of migration and the longstanding presence of ethnic minorities and indigenous people in the region that are ignored in dominant narratives. With attention to the implications of notions of homogeneity for the everyday lives of migrants and racialised minorities in the region, as well as the increasing securitisation of those perceived not to be part of the homogenous nation, this volume provides detailed analyses of how welfare state policies, media, and authorities seek to manage and govern cultural, religious, and racial differences. With studies of national minorities, indigenous people and migrants in the analysis of homogeneity and difference, it sheds light on the agency of minorities and the intertwining of securitisation policies with notions of culture, race, and religion in the government of difference. As such it will appeal to scholars and students in social sciences and humanities with interests in race and ethnicity, migration, postcolonialism, Nordic studies, multiculturalism, citizenship, and belonging.