Browsing by Subject "peacekeeping"

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  • Sutton, David (2003)
    Peacekeeping operations have grown in scope and frequency over the decades since the establishment of the Unite Nations (UN). In particular, the optimism attending the UN’s prospects of greater leadership in conflict resolution in a new season of openness following the end of the Cold War saw increasing UN involvement in varied and complex conflicts – many involving ethnic rivalries that have surfaced amid the turbulence of the formation of new states and the spread of democracy in the last decade. Unfortunately, few of these operations have been widely regarded as successful, and some have ended in absolute disaster. There is a continuing need to search for the factors which hinder success and to evaluate the compatibility of current peacekeeping methods and assumptions with conflicts in which those factors play a significant role. Thus, this paper begins by examining the design, function and doctrine of traditional peacekeeping missions, from which a definition of success is also established. The nature and particular difficulties of ethnicity and ethnic conflict are delineated and a key interaction between these and the current broad UN approach to conflict is explored. From this understanding, two UN missions – the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) – are compared to determine whether a substantial ethnic component to a conflict may in fact emerge as a significant hindrance to successful peacekeeping operations given current methods and assumptions. The conclusion drawn is that the success of UN peacekeeping missions, which are designed to facilitate negotiated settlements with the consent of the parties involved, is seriously challenged when the conflict in question is characterized by significant ethnic animosity. It is suggested that UN planners should therefore intervene in ethnic conflict more circumspectly, and that more serious consideration should be given to more robust measures if a peacekeeping mission is undertaken.
  • Pylvänäinen, Jaakko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    This study set out to examine and analyse Finnish military chaplains’ and commanders’ conceptions and experiences concerning the utilisation of Finnish military chaplains as religious experts – i.e. advising personnel on religion and culture and engaging local religious leaders and communities – in international military operations, with the focus on deployments to Lebanon and Afghanistan from 2010 to 2018. Simultaneously the study intended to contribute to the broader discussion on religious approaches and actors in conflict resolution, especially in the framework of comprehensive crisis management (CCM). This was done by conducting a qualitative content analysis on ten semi-structured interviews. The interviews were studied through a framework of religious approaches to conflict resolution, particularly the concepts of Religious Area Analysis (RAA) and Religious Leader Engagement (RLE) by Dr. Steve K. Moore and Religious Advicement (RA) and Religious Leader Engagement/Religious Leader Liaison (RLL) by Dr. Eric Patterson. It was found that Finnish military chaplains’ RAA/RA and RLE/RLL endeavours in the two countries have been similar to their international counterparts’ contributions in various operational environments, with the exception of no known successes of mediation, facilitation, or reconciliation between estranged local religious actors or communities – only some attempts in Lebanon. Although in the interviewees’ cases RAA/RA and RLE/RLL efforts seem to have been limited mainly by external factors such as the level of willingness of locals, the security situation at hand, and the mandate and nature of each operation, the effect of individual and organisational issues was evident: to some extent, lack of full awareness and vision, insufficient policy and doctrine, limited training and instructions, inadequate planning and preparations, non-existent organisational frameworks, short rotations, and biased attitudes of personnel all have influenced Finnish chaplains’ chances to serve their contingents in terms of local religious conditions and actors. In other words, these activities have not been conducted in a fully organised manner. The irregular state of RAA/RA and RLE/RLL in the Finnish Defence Forces has implications to the comprehensiveness of the organisation’s conflict resolution efforts: if relevant expertise is not systematically used, opportunities will likely be missed and unnecessary mistakes made. Moreover, in light of theoretical understanding it may be stated that without a broader vision, longer-term planning, and increased commitment with respect to the approaches it will be very difficult, if not impossible, to connect the Finnish Defence Forces’ international operations to any peacebuilding initiatives through local religious and traditional leaders – a strategy which has proven to be highly useful for Finnish peace mediation efforts.
  • Tuomas, Anna Katariina (Helsingin yliopisto, 2017)
    This thesis aimed to examine Japan’s lawmaking process that lead to the passage of the PKO law, also known as the peacekeeping law of 1992. The focus was on the government discussions that occurred during the period from September 1991 to June 1992. The issues revolving around the topic were extremely controversial. The root of the problem lies in Japan’s history, and the country’s international standing. This thesis is built on political discourse analysis. The primary objective is to aid in an understanding of the reasons behind the PKO law's creation. Most of the materials cited are government discussions about the law including the explanation of purpose, question rounds, committee reports, and plenary sessions in the House of Councillors and the House of Representatives. The analysis was focused on the expressed views shared by the speakers in the Diet on a micro level, while at the same time showing the effects of the proposed bill on a macro level. Also included were questions about the role played by the leading party, the Liberal Democratic Party, who was the main instigator in the law drafting process. The main questions can be limited to two: Was there a shift in the country's politics as it relates to the issues surrounding the bill's contents? What was the reason that the government strove so hard to pass this bill into law? Through the years, Japan’s foreign policy can be said to be evasive on some points, but with taking part in the peacekeeping operations, there was a slight shift in politics. Japan’s foreign policy was already UN-centered, so participating in the PKO operations was not that massive of a change. Overall, the result of the Gulf Crisis gave the Liberal Democratic Party a reason to make a push for the passing of the PKO bill, and some saw the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces as the party's last significant effort to redefine Japan as a normal state. In June of 1992 the passed PKO law turned out to be a compromised law. What can be seen from the overall discussions in both houses was that they centered in the perceived unconstitutionality of the bill as well as the use of the army and possible use of force. In some public hearings lawyers and legal advisors stated that they were against the law. Despite this, the opposition, however, did not take into an account changing public opinion, and the government was able to pass the law successfully. Discussion of the bill, in Japan as well abroad, presented a variety of reactions, at the center of them was fear of dispatching the Self-Defense Forces. In conclusion, the army and the peacekeeping operations were two separate matters, and the passing of the bill was a chance for the country to be more active in an international setting.
  • Burtsov, Petri (2006)
    Increasingly, traditional peacekeeping operations are giving way to what are referred to as either peace-, state-, or nationbuilding projects. This conceptual shift is due less to changes in the target states than it is to changes in the international system. Recognition of state failure as a security threat, the fading away of the sanctity of state sovereignty, and the absence of the Cold War –era deterrent have led to an increase in more robust and wholesome engagement in post-war societies, resulting in increased politicization of peacekeeping. This transformation also necessitates a transformation of the study of peacekeeping insofar as peacekeeping cannot be observed without contextualizing it within the larger framework of international relations. This paper suggests that statebuilding be seen as a way of reproducing the dominant, liberal democratic state conglomerate. By looking at the statebuilding operation in Bosnia since 1995, this paper shows that the interests and the ideologies of the donor community often precede those of the local society’s. In order to show this, the paper uses a theoretical framework in which peacebuilding is divided into statebuilding and nationbuilding. Statebuilding is seen as the institutional rebuilding of the state structure, whereas nationbuilding refers to the social reconciliation in the civil society sphere. This dual framework is used to study the General Framework Agreement for Peace (Dayton Agreement). The 150 pages of the Dayton Agreement form the primary material of the analysis, and previous research from academics and think thanks, especially the International Crisis Group, are used as secondary sources. The first section looks at the Dayton Agreement in this dual framework. It concludes that both statebuilding and nationbuilding appear as elements in the wording of the agreement, and that it is therefore not possible to characterize the peace agreement as only that of creating a western-modelled state with little regard to reconciling the ethnic hatred. The second section expands on the themes of the first section by looking at the practice of peacebuilding in the post-war Bosnia. Attention is given in particular to territorial arrangements, political structures, equality before law, and human rights. This section shows how the institutional structure imposed on Bosnia consistently works to reproduce rather than alleviate the ethnic divisions that caused the conflict in the first place. Many of the political and social institutions established under the Dayton framework have, in institutional terms, transformed Bosnia into a western liberal-democratic state, but have nonetheless left the Bosnian people to deal with their ethnic divisions themselves. The paper concludes by assessing the research process, presenting the main findings, and by presenting the implications of this case study to both the study and practice of peacebuilding.
  • Tallberg, Teemu (Svenska handelshögskolan, 2009)
    Economics and Society
    In Finland the organising of defence is undergoing vast restructuring. Recent legislation has redefined the central tasks of the Finnish Defence Forces. At the same time, international security cooperation, economic pressures and new administrative paradigms have steered the military towards new ways of organising. National defence is not just politics and principles; to a large extent it is also enacted in day-to-day life in organisations. The lens through which these realities of defence are analysed in this study is gender. How is the security sector – and national defence as part of it – organised in the changing security environment? What is the new division of labour between different societal actors in the face of security challenges? What happens ‘at work’ within the military and the defence sector more broadly? How does gender affect the way in which defence is organised and understood, and how do the changes in the organising of security affect gender relations? The thesis searches for answers to these questions in the context of two organisational settings in the male-dominated defence sector. The case study on a Finnish peacekeeping unit in the Balkans opens a critical view on men’s social practices and the everyday life of crisis management organisations. In the second case study, reorganising of provisioning in the Finnish Defence Forces turns out to be a complicated process where different power relations and social divisions intermingle. Tallberg’s extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the two focal organisations has produced a detailed set of data that lays the basis for critical analysis and policy development in terms of defence organising, cooperation around peace and security issues, and gender equality in organisations. Observations and results are provided for understanding social networks, militarisation, authority relations, care, public-private partnerships, personnel policies, career planning, and humour.