Browsing by Subject "political history"

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  • Ilmjärv, Magnus (2004)
    Until the present time the foreign policy of the Baltic states between-the-wars period has not been sufficiently researched. Therefore the work at hand attempts to determine among other issues the nature of relations between the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian presidents – Konstantin Päts, Kārlis Ulmanis and Antanas Smetona respectively – and the Soviet Union. Specifically it also tries to provide answers to the following questions: first, what prevented the Baltic states from cooperating politically and militarily; second, what kind of relations existed between the Baltic states and the Great Powers – Great Britain, Germany, the Soviet Union and Poland; third, what was implied by the policy of neutrality, declared in the second half of 1930-s. The author of the work at hand attempts to answer the question why in the fall of 1939 the Baltic states were not able to collaborate politically and militarily, and why, unlike Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania chose the path of unconditional surrender. The work at hand observes the relations between the Baltic states in the context of the foreign policies and international relationships of both the Soviet Union and Germany. Furthermore a close attention is paid to the influence wielded to the foreign policies of the Baltic states by the economic policies of the Soviet Union and Germany. As for the domestic policies of the Baltic states, only their influence on foreign policies of these states is being dealt with. All in all the main emphasis is placed on the foreign policy of Estonia, whereas the foreign policies of Latvia and Lithuania are treated to a lesser extent. The simultaneous utilization of archives from both the former Soviet Union and the Western states has disclosed many hitherto unknown facts and thus has helped to paint a more correct picture of characters involved, events taken place and has depicted the general flow of history in a somewhat different light than recognized in earlier times. Also the use of a wide base of source materials has helped the author to present a clearer picture of all factors leading to the loss of independence of three Baltic states in 1940.
  • Kääriäinen, Seppo (2002)
    The study applies to the strategic choices and aims of the Agrarian Union / Centre Party between years 1964-2001. In particular, the study examines the strategies of the Centre Party to defend its position in the Finnish politics amidst an ungovernable structural change of the society and a period of political transition. The aim is to analyze the strategic choices of the Party and their origin, basically from the point of view of the Party leadership. A strategic choice of a party is composed of a political-ideological core, which is supported by several activities. The study aims also to analyze the internal reforms of the Centre party by comparing them to party theories Duverger, Kirchheimer, Panebianco, Katz & Mair). Also the role of the leaders of the Centre Party in generating the strategies has been examined. The study is a qualitative one by nature. The method used in the study can be compared to 'observing participation'. The study contains also components of the grounded theory, due to a wide and many-sided material and the background of the author. The strategies are approached with a chronological disposition by analyzing them in the light of questions that are based on party theories. The background for the increased election support is the development towards a catch-all party that was accelerated by the change of the name of the Party in 1965 (from the Agrarian Union to the Centre Party). In 2001, the proportional support of the Party was at the same level as in 1962 (23-24 %). The development towards a catch-all party - a long-term strategic choice - was strengthened in 1962-1999 when also the support of the Party increased tenfold in the cities and the share of the Party of votes that were cast in the cities increased fivefold. In 2000, approximately 90 per cent of the supporters were others than farmers, whereas in the beginning of 1960s the situation was the opposite. The main conclusion is that, although the Centre Party has to a large extent become a catch-all party, consistent with the party theories, it has always contained strategic elements of difference and originality, arising from the core identity of the Party. The Party leadership has not only developed strategies based on the concept of a catch-all party, but also utilized the originality of the party both in the political-ideological and the organizational work. The strategy to reform the Agrarian Union as a Centre Party (1964-1970) pushed the Party to become a catch-all party. The catastrophe in the 1970 general election drove the Party to re-establish its identity in the 1970s. As a result of this process, the Party changed from a class party to a catch-all party of the regions. After these strategies that were implemented under the leadership of Dr Johannes Virolainen, the Party chose in the 1980s, under the leadership of Mr Paavo Väyrynen, a strategy of a high profile. This strategy, with which the Party challenged the leading position of the social-democrats, transformed the Party into an ideologically conscious party of masses. After the 1991 general election the Centre Party became the leading governmental party. Under the leadership of Mr Esko Aho (Prime Minister 1991-95) the Party pursued the politics of necessity, characteristic of a governmental party. It also adapted characters of an election party that had amended its ideology more pragmatic. The opposition strategy of the late 1990s, characterised by the 'labour reform', strengthened the Party as a party of different projects with the aim to gain electoral support. The Agrarian Union was in 1964 in a turning point, the Centre Party was in a same kind of situation in 2001. The only thing that had remained of the components of the previous pivotal position, was the support. The basic source material of the study are the minutes (including the annexes) from all official meetings of all party organs from 1964 to 2001. Also the archives of Dr Urho Kekkonen, Dr Johannes Virolainen and Dr Ahti Karjalainen as well as material produced by the Party Headquarters have been used. Several contemporaries have been interviewed.
  • Alapuro, Risto (Brill, 2018)
    By analysing the experience of Finland, Risto Alapuro shows how upheavals in powerful countries shape the internal politics of smaller countries. This linkage, a highly topical subject in the twenty-first century world, is concretely studied by putting the abortive Finnish revolution of 1917-18 into a long historical and a broad comparative perspective. In the former respect the revolution appears as a tragic culmination in the unfolding of a small European state. In the latter respect it appears as one of those crises that new states experienced when they emerged from the turmoils of the First World War.
  • Jansson, Julia A (Routledge, Taylor & Francis, 2019)
    Transnational Criminal Law
  • Humphreys, Brendan (Helsingin yliopisto, 2013)
    This thesis is a comparative work in which two historical events are defined and examined as political myths. The definition immediately raises problems as the habitual use of the term myth by historians implies falsehood. The author argues that the traditional dichotomy of mythos and logos is more problematic than is habitually understood. Rather, he argues that certain highly-resonant historical episodes are a disconcerting mixture of fact and fiction, and that their appeal to their target audience is predicated on an authority that overrides concerns about factual accuracy. Furthermore, as this is a study of civic religion and the politics of public commemoration, the thesis problematises both the status of the sacred in (supposedly) secularised societies and the role of the rational in politics. Two cases are presented. These are the Battle of Kosovo Polje of 1389 and the Munich Agreement of 1938. Noted is that both events have been extraordinarily influential; that they have a paradigmatic status and an authority that has often been used to confer political legitimacy. The comparative method uses several factors: durability, factual accuracy, ownership, flexibility, level of usage and media of transmission. The examination of the legacy of the Battle of Kosovo Polje study is longitudinal. It seeks to establish to the small degree possible what actually happened in 1389, and contrast this with the popular narrative. This popular narrative, most especially the vibrant tradition of Serbian epic poetry, is then explored at length through a well-known theory of myth analysis. Previous studies have not approached this oral tradition at length or in a systematic manner. The work then offers different examples of the agents and events inspired by the legacy of the battle, among them the most important events in the modern Balkans. It then attempts to systemise the different modalities through which the event has been instrumental. The examination of the Munich Agreement also offers an overview of the events of the 1930s, and contrasts this with a highly simplistic narrative that has been extracted from these events. This is in strong contrast to the Kosovo legacy; in that case there were few sources to indicate what happened; as regards the Munich Agreement and the policy of appeasement from which it grew, much is known, but the record is largely ignored at the expense of an inaccurate but seemingly deeply-compelling narrative. The political usage of Munich is then examined via several cases, typically conflict situations. Emphasis is placed on the statements and justifications of politicians in different periods and political cultures. Modes of argumentation are examined, and a singular pattern is detected. Finally the thesis compares the two cases, their differences and similarities, with the ambition of solidifying the concept of a political myth, highlighting the extraordinary influence of the usable past on the present.