Browsing by Subject "political parties"

Sort by: Order: Results:

Now showing items 1-5 of 5
  • Tikkanen, Iro (2003)
    The purpose of this paper is to examine whether two Finnish newspapers, Helsingin Sanomat and Ilta-Sanomat had an agenda-setting function over the party agendas of the largest five parties during the 2003 Finnish general election campaign: the Social Democratic, the Centre and the National Coalition Party, as well as the Green League and the Left Alliance. By applying quantitative content analytical research techniques, issue emphasis for both the party issue agendas as well as the respective press agendas was being determined. The party election programmes were studied as the first and the official party agendas. The news bulletins published on the official party web-sites were analysed as the second and the so-called alternative party agendas, reflecting more the daily agenda-setting of the parties during the election campaign. The press agenda, on the other hand, consisted of the newspaper articles that mediated substantial issues in relation to the five parties within the most intensive period of the election campaigning. The first results showed, that there were changes in the rank order of issues from the first to the second party agendas. Yet, it became interesting to see, whether the first party agendas (election programmes) or the second party agendas (web news) had come closer to the agenda that the two newspapers had set for them. By calculating the Pearson’s and Spearman’s rank order correlations it was analysed, how closely the five party agendas correlated with the press agendas. The correlations increased from the election programmes to the web news and the press agenda for the Social Democratic and the Centre Party, as well as the Green League. The case was the opposite for the National Coalition Party whose correlations declined between the press agenda from the election programme to the web news. For the Left Alliance, the results were nearly likewise. This led to conclude that the three former parties had more willingly transformed their issue agendas to follow that of the press during the election campaign. Yet, to a certain extent, the press exercised agenda-setting function over their respective agendas.
  • Häkkinen, Esko (2019)
    In Finland, a post-war expansion of the welfare state was associated with a decline in the use of imprisonment. The 1990s marked the beginning of a more ambivalent era in Finnish criminal justice. How does this turning point appear in the public discourse on crime by political decision-makers? All parliamentary questions and members’ initiatives from 1975 to 2010 were examined with a keyword-based quantitative search, and further content analysis was conducted on data made up of 1589 written parliamentary questions about crime control from 1970 to 2010. The relative prevalence of criminal policy issues rose significantly in the early 1990s. During the same period, the political initiative moved towards the right and the views of the left seemed to move closer to the right concurrently. Although stances became tougher, expressions of leniency were in the minority before the 1990s too, which stresses the significance of the general level of political attention itself. Developments regarding specific types of crime are discussed.
  • Khutkyy, Dmytro (2019)
    Contemporary technologies facilitate democratic participation in a digital form. And Pirate Parties claim to represent such an empowered electronic democracy. Thereby this study examines whether Pirate Parties are actually social movements practicing and promoting electronic democracy. For this aim, the research applies the 'real utopias' framework exploring desirable, viable, and achievable alternative social designs. In terms of methods, the inquiry is based on the analysis of expert interviews and political manifestos. The study revealed that Pirate Parties are genuine democratic initiatives, widely implementing principles and mechanisms of electronic democracy. Overall, the studied Pirate Parties foster member participation at all stages of policy making. Even though Pirate Parties have achieved low electoral results for public offices, their models of internal democratic organization and political ideas are proliferated by other parties.
  • Allen, Jessica (2006)
    Minority issues have had a great impact on the parliamentarian debate as well as on the implemented laws during the period 1995-2003. Latvia became independent in 1991 and during this time the country has been struggling with strong nationalistic feelings as well as a desire to turn its back to Russia. In order to achieve this, the Latvian Parliament stimulated in accordance with the Supreme Council that citizenship should only be granted to pre-1940 citizens and their descendants, with the outcome that more than 40 % of the population in Latvia was excluded from citizenship, most of them Russian-speaking people. According to the theorists Ernest Gellner and T.K Oommen, the theoretical concept nationalism describes the political situation in Latvia concerning the minorities, indicating that in a nation, there can only live one people, sharing the same culture, language and history. Alfonso Alfonsi says that neo-nationalistic feelings are common in post communistic states, as societies that for decades were restricted by authoritarian ideology cannot perceive ideas of modern liberal democracy, and substitute propagated class solidarity with ethnic solidarity. The purpose of the study is to examine citizenship and identity, and evaluate the kind of citizenship policies that Latvia has adopted after having declared its independence. The analysis is mainly a study of the debate in the Latvian Parliament concerning minority issues and the laws implemented thereafter, during Latvia’s application period into the European Union 1995-2003. By analyzing the different parliaments and coalition during the period of 1995-2003, as well as the debate and the legal framework during this period, it is possible to distinguish in what way the situation of the Russian-speaking minority has changed. The core to the analysis is the qualitative content approach, which is used to analyze the political debate and the laws implemented within the Latvian Parliament. The political parties of the Latvian Parliament have been the main actors in stipulating laws and regulations in order to discourage or to encourage the Russian-speaking minority from participating as Latvian citizens within the Latvian community. The political program of each party is the source for the party’s behavior within the Latvian Parliament, as it establishes the ground for the ideologies and aims of the political parties. Despite the view that Latvia formally fulfills the relevant international agreements, the citizenship issue in Latvia will continue to have an important international political significance. During the period 1995-2003 the Latvian Parliament promulgated various laws, among others the Citizenship laws, the Language Law and the Education Law, in order to decrease the opportunities of the minorities to participate within the Latvian society. These laws demonstrate the aversion of the Latvian Parliament to comply the European Union accession criteria regarding human rights and respect of minorities, and should need a few more years to stipulate the adequate laws before acquiring full EU-membership.
  • Wahlsten, Johan (Helsingin yliopisto, 2022)
    Taking the Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP) as a case study, this thesis contributes to the understanding of how the SDP and centre-left parties more generally were neoliberalised, this is to say how they became to embrace the idea that society is best organised through markets and competition. Drawing from the work of Stephanie Mudge, the thesis focuses on party experts, those party actors oriented towards producing truth-claims of society, hence affecting the way parties conceive the world and speak. Expert’s knowledge, however, is contingent on their social locations. They are often also situated in professional fields that tend to condition which ideas count as legitimate, making their positions explanatory relevant with regards to parties’ disposition and rhetoric. Methodologically the work draws from the tradition of historical sociology and Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social fields. The material utilised consists of (auto)biographies; past historical and social scientific research; reference works; SDP’s archival documents; and historical newspaper and magazine writings and interviews. The central argument is that Mudge’s account—taken as the work’s hypothesis—of the neoliberalisation of centre-left parties in “core countries” (the UK, the US, Sweden, and Germany) is inadequate in the case of the SDP embedded in Finland’s peripheral context. Mudge asserts that a central driver in the parties’ neoliberalisation was the interdependence between the political field of the party and the field of economics, which developed as interwar economic disruption incited an intense search within economics for novel ways to control the economy via public spending and demand management. This also led to an influx of academic economists with a “Keynesian ethic” to centre-left parties. The interdependence, however, allowed for economics’ politicisation from the 1960s onwards, this then influencing the field’s reorientation away from Keynesianism and towards monetarism and subsequently leading to the emergence and triumph of new party experts possessing a “neoliberal ethic”. Relatively stable interwar economic development, the bourgeoisie’s post-Civil War dominance in the society and academia, and the Finnish economics’ “backwardness” meant that no comparable need for seeking novel solutions existed nor was there responsiveness for the ideas developed abroad. Consequently, no interdependence between the SDP and economics developed in interwar or immediate postwar years. In the 1960s economic experts did gain a central position within the party. But these experts were not connected with the academia nor did the SDP embrace “Keynesian” prescriptions, the party and its experts instead banking on the combination of economic planning and export-led growth strategy. Neither was evidence found of economics’ politicisation as a left-wing discipline. Instead, it was oft precisely the SDP’s economic experts that critiqued “Keynesian” academic economists. In sum, arguably no interdependence between economics and the SDP developed either in this period. Instead, a new hypothesis is posited as an alternative account, namely that the SDP’s neoliberalisation can be better accounted for through the interdependence that developed between the bureaucratic field’s economic institutions and the party. Conjecturally, the interdependence, owing, among other things, to the SDP’s political appointments to the state, was politicised and the ideas of economic planning and the state’s control of the economy’s important elements were discredited in the context of the 1970s economic downturn. The interdependence, however, also led to novel kinds of experts—the state economists—gaining a powerful position within the SDP and making their interpretation of the economy common sense in the party. These experts perceived that their role in politics was to advance the “general interest” of the nation and the amorphous “people”, not any segment of it. With the export businesses hegemonic in society, in effect, this meant an emphasis on their profitability, cost competitiveness, and inflation and subsequently wage repression and budget constraint. The affinities between neoliberal notions and this policy conception and the habit in the Finnish state to conceive the world in terms of “external necessities” meant the state economists possessed great responsiveness to neoliberal ideas. While gaining preliminary support from evidence this hypothesis requires further work on several counts.