Browsing by Subject "social relations"

Sort by: Order: Results:

Now showing items 1-3 of 3
  • Crentsil, Perpetual (2001)
    This thesis studies medical beliefs and practices in Ghana. Its aim is to analyse the kind of social interaction/social relations inherent in informal communication in health-seeking behaviours. The primary aim, however, is to look for people's social meaning of illness-- what sense they make of illness-- in the interplay between informal communication and health-seeking activities. The study is based in Twuim, a rural fishing village in Ghana. It is descriptive, exploratory, and largely ethnographic in approach. The ethnographic data is based on more than five months of participant observation fieldwork and unstructured ethnographic interviews with 33 respondents. Social relations and interaction are important in informal communication in the quest for therapy. The family emerges as the unit for therapy communication and social relations. Thus, three case studies are presented as part of the analysis of the family and therapy discussions. This study shows that people make sense of illness through known relationships with people such as family members and care providers, and known cultural categories such as witchcraft/oracles and biomedical health care promotion. Through these mechanisms, the people derive their social meaning of illness largely from both natural and supernatural ideas about illness. The analytical focus follows Arthur Kleinman's model of sector analysis of medical systems, which uses the structuralist approach. The other framework is the analysis of discourse, following Michel Foucault. One of the main conclusions is a suggestion for the integration of biomedicine and traditional medicine in Ghana as a way to expand the country's health care resources.
  • Holopainen, Pirkko (1999)
    The research material was collected earlier in connection with personality tests. In this research the personality items are used as independent variables. The aim of the research was to examine personal and social elements and their relations and changes during a period of 1.5 years. Further aims was to examine the life and development of adolescents at the age of 13.5-15. The emphasis was especially on gender differences, family environment and peer issues. The study was based on the data of risk behavior of adolescents collected by questionnaires in 1985-88. The sample consisted of students from 5th to 9th grades in three schools. The questionnaire consisted of items about success of the students at school, their personality (Eysenck Junior-EPI), self-esteem (Coopersmith), locus of control (Nowicki - Strickland), psychosomatic symptoms and risk behavior. The study was quantitative. The correlative analyses supported the researcher's idea to divide variables into personal and social elements. Factor analysis was used to reveal relevant social and personal dimensions. Using three separate factor analysis, the following factor pairs and one single factor were named: family support and positive self-concept, peer activity and psychological balance, outward-oriented adolescent and popularity among peer. Psychosomatic behavior was examined separately. The reliability (Tarkkonen 1987) was between 0.901 and 0.711. Second order factor analysis was used to examine variables based on factors, their relations to each other and their changes during the 1.5 years. After the second order factor analysis two new factors were named: the personality- and family factor and the social factor. Cross-tabulated data based on personality- and family factor and social factor as axis revealed the structure of personal and social welfare of adolescent, reflecting also self-concepts. Especially social (peer issues) but also personal component of the structure changed during 1.5 years. The family support were salient to girls at the age of 13.5 and to boys at the age of 15. Peer issues were important for both genders. Popularity with peer and risk behavior (smoking and alcohol abuse) were more salient to girls than boys. Positive self-concept of girls was connected to the peer issues and that of boys to the family support. The maturing process takes different paths in timing and in the contents of different development areas. Coopersmith (1967), Eysenck (1967, 1981), Nowicki - Strickland (1972, 1973), Emmerich ym. (1971).
  • Helne, Tuula (2002)
    Stakes, Tutkimuksia ; 123
    The focus in the debate on exclusion is often placed on excluded people and their assumed characteristics: passivity, deviance, helplessness. Less attention has been paid to the society that produces this discourse. This study aims to turn the focus away from the periphery and place it on the centre, on the context in which exclusion is construed as a social problem. It asks what 'the society of exclusion' is like. How does the society that has given rise to discourse on exclusion and that this discourse produces look like? The exclusion debate is understood as a diagnosis of our time, as a horizon for investigating its sore points. The sorest pertain to the issue of community and that of the disappearing social. Exclusion is more than a social problem: it is a problem of 'the social'. This approach has been influenced by French research. The perspective is relational: exclusion is seen to arise in relation to other people, society and its institutions. The study also draws on constructionism, particularly its critical branch. It takes the disputability of the concept of exclusion as its starting point and presumes that exclusion is not a social fact or state but something that is constantly reproduced by social discourses and mechanisms. These mechanisms are ideological, linked with governance. As discourses and politics are not detached from each other, it is appropriate to criticise discourses that legitimate otherness and scapegoating by essentialising excluded people. The goal is to increase the degrees of freedom of those defined as excluded. The exclusion discourse includes numerous paradoxes. Efforts are made to include excluded people within the sphere of society and its normality. The presumption is that community is something existent and unproblematic, which the very fact that we speak about exclusion undermines. Moreover, the discourse on exclusion lays down boundaries, weakening our sense of community. The genuineness of the efforts to include excluded people can be doubted. Nor is the attitude towards the community building of the excluded positive. The concept of exclusion was brought into use as there was a need for a concept that describes processes. Nevertheless, excluded people are localised socially, spatially and symbolically. They are located in the periphery or beyond it, in a moral and spatial otherness. Drawing boundaries is, however, becoming increasingly problematic nowadays, as more and more positions are becoming uncertain. The fact that excluded people are described as passive individuals supports policies in which public policy is replaced with activation efforts. The discourse joins the trends that have undermined faith in social insurance and contributed to the shift towards neoliberal private prudentalism. Society is increasingly governed by individualisation. However, in order for a society to be a society, both a sense of community and a language for it are needed. The exclusion discourse is also aiming at these, but its language may not be ideal for the purpose. The book consists of a summary and five articles.