Browsing by Subject "suomen ja Pohjoismaiden historia"

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  • Piilahti, Kari-Matti (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2007)
    Material and immaterial security. Households, ecological and economic resources and formation of contacts in Valkeala parish from the 1630s to the 1750s. The geographical area of the thesis, Valkeala parish in the region of Kymenlaakso, is a very interesting area owing to its diversity, both in terms of natural setting and economic and cultural structure. The study begins by outlining the ecological and economic features of Valkeala and by analysing household structures. The main focus of the research lies in the contacts of the households with the outside world. The following types of contacts are chosen as indicators of the interaction: trade and credit relations, guarantees, co-operation, marriages and godparentage. The main theme of the contact analysis is to observe the significance of three factors, namely geographical extent, affluence level and kinship, to the formation of contacts. It is also essential to chart the interdependencies between ecological and economic resources, changes in the structure of households and the formation of contacts during the period studied. The time between the 1630s and the 1750s was characterized by wars, crop losses and population changes, which had an effect on the economic framework and on the structural variation of households and contact fields. In the 17th and 18th centuries Valkeala could be divided, economically, into two sections according to the predominant cultivation technique. The western area formed the field area and the eastern and northern villages the swidden area. Multiple family households were dominant in the latter part of the 17th century, and for most of the study period, the majority of people lived in the more complex households rather than in simple families. Economic resources had only a moderate impact on the structure of contacts. There was a clear connection between bigger household size and the extent and intensity of contacts. The jurisdictional boundary that ran across Valkeala from the northwest to the southeast and divided the parish into two areas influenced the formation of contacts more than the parish boundaries. Support and security were offered largely by the primary contacts with one s immediate family, neighbours and friends. Economic support was channelled from the wealthier to the less well off by credits. Cross-marriages, cross-godparentage and marital networks could be seen as manifestations of an aim towards stability and the joining of resources. It was essential for households both to secure the workforce needed for a minimum level of subsistence and to ensure the continuation of the family line. These goals could best be reached by complex households that could adapt to the prevailing circumstances and also had wider and more multi-layered contacts offering material and immaterial security.
  • Nurmiainen, Jouko (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2009)
    This dissertation analyses the notions of progress and common good in Swedish political language during the Age of Liberty (1719 1772). The method used is conceptual analysis, but this study is also a contribution to the history of political ideas and political culture, aiming at a broader understanding of how the bounds of political community were conceptualised and represented in eighteenth-century Sweden. The research is based on the official documents of the regime, such as the fundamental laws and the solemn speeches made at the opening and closing of the Diet, on normative or alternative descriptions of society such as history works and economic literature, and on practical political writings by the Diet and its members. The rhetoric of common good and particular interest is thus examined both in its consensual and theoretical contexts and in practical politics. Central political issues addressed include the extent of economic liberties, the question of freedom to print, the meaning of privilege, the position of particular estates or social groups and the economic interests of particular areas or persons. This research shows that the modern Swedish word for progress (framsteg) was still only rarely used in the eighteenth century, while the notion of progress, growth and success existed in a variety of closely related terms and metaphorical expressions. The more traditional concept of common good (allmänna bästa) was used in several variants, some of which explicitly related to utility and interest. The combination of public utility and private interest in political discourse challenged traditional ideals of political morality, where virtue had been the fundament of common good. The progress of society was also presented as being linked to the progress of liberty, knowledge and wealth in a way that can be described as characteristic of the Age of Enlightenment but which also points at the appearance of early liberal thought.
  • Kimanen, Anuleena (Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 2008)
    A Revival in a Village and its Households. The Village of Oravisalo in Rääkkylä Parish and the Renqvistist Revivalism in the 1820s. My purpose is to apply the science of religion and the study of past communities to the study of religious revivalism. Revivalism will be considered a religious phenomenon as well as a cultural and social phenomenon. What makes this study unique is the possibility to reconstruct a list of participating revivalists based on entries in the communion book of the time. The conflict between the revivalists and the chaplain of Rääkkylä also generated other documentary material. The community in Oravisalo was relatively stratified. People lived in complex and varying forms of households. They also had plentiful contacts both with unrelated inhabitants of Oravisalo and with the neighbouring villages. Through these contacts the inhabitants of Oravisalo were introduced to revivalism. In Oravisalo, the revival for the most part fell into a certain social stratum and did not severely damage existing relationships within families or among acquaintances. The revivalists formed a new community within the village but the community was neither very tightly-knit nor was it closed. The revival was an individual phenomenon affected by general factors. First, there were factors that brought about a quest for an applicable system of meanings. These factors included at least three important issues: the Great Partition of land, the crisis of slash-and-burn cultivation, and a population growth that increased the proportion of the landless in the village. As a result, many of the revivalists had low status and poor expectations for the future. Second, there were factors that appealed to the people in the message and character of the preacher, Henrik Renqvist. Third, the proximity of the village to Liperi, where the revival got its start, was crucial to revivalism s spread to Oravisalo. Culturally, the revival meant a change in the system of symbols or meanings, so it was not solely a matter of intensified religious fervour. For instance, Communion, prayer, reading, and perhaps baptism symbolised different things to the revivalists than to other villagers. However, the revivalists do not seem to have started any moral revolution in their village. The religious aspect defined the limits of the protest and the resistance towards authorities. The revivalists wanted only to have the right to follow their conscience. The freedom granted the female members was limited to the religious sphere. No social or economic claims were made. The revival altered the situation of its members only on a symbolic level, yet it also offered them status within their own group.
  • Uljas, Päivi (Into Kustannus Oy, 2012)
    A Breakthrough of Welfare State. The inter-relationships of the civic movement, political transformation, and eroding of a hegemony based on small scale farming in the Finnish society in the late 1950's. The unusually rapid and powerful structural change; the non-parliamentary civic movements of 1956 - 1963; and the left majority in the Finnish parliament between 1958 - 1962 all took place as the Finnish welfare state started to develop. The aim of my research is to analyse the inter-relationships of these processes. The research describes the way the former semi self-sufficient, semi-proletarian and labour-intensive form of production - a simple and discriminatory system in itself - made it possible for the majority of the population to survive through hard work. For some it even provided a possibility to prosper. The waning vitality of semi self-sufficiency and small scale agriculture triggered a political ferment and started a period of searching for something new. The process was so intense that it broke up most of the parties and tore down the old consensus that was based on the power of economic and political elite. The most crucial battle of the great transformation was waged over the nature of the state: Should we build a welfare state and construct social security systems, or should we revert to the old night watchman state and, for example, cancel the modest forms of redistribution of income carried out in the 1950's? The people joining the civic movements were either cottagers of the impoverishing countryside or, quite often, people who had come from the countryside and thus had grown up under conditions of some form of solidarity that included taking care of one's own family. The Finnish social insurance developed in the midst of a change in the structure of production of the society, and it became a compromise to satisfy the needs of both the waning society of small scale agriculture and the rising proletarian society based on wage labour. The hodgepodge of political schemes and use of power became a battle between different notions of the economy and the state; the distribution of national income; and the position of Finland in the international context. This battle created a shape of an interregnum - a period of transformation including two notions of society, two alternative paths for the future and the logic of a correctional move. The transformation of Finland from a poor developing country into a prosperous society has been praised as a success story. In 1956 - 1959, when the old form of governance based on the interests of small scale agriculture and wood processing industry was in decay, and when the future seemed uncertain, the projects to reduce social benefits and efforts to distribute national income even more unequally than before led to a powerful counter-movement by citizens and started an hegemonic change and a equal socia development.
  • Levä, Ilkka (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2008)
    From Steely Nation-State Superman to Conciliator of Economical Global Empire – A Psychohistory of Finnish Police Culture 1930-1997 My study concerns the way police culture has changed within the societal changes in Finnish society between 1930 and 1997. The method of my study was psycho-historical and post-structural analysis. The research was conducted by examining the psycho-historical plateaus traceable within Finnish police culture. I made a social diagnosis of the autopoietic relationship between the power-holders of Finnish society and the police (at various levels of hierarchical organization). According to police researcher John P. Crank, police culture should be understood as the cognitive processes behind the actions of the police. Among these processes are the values, beliefs, rituals, customs and advice which standardize their work and the common sense of policemen. According to Crank, police culture is defined by a mindset which thinks, judges and acts according to its evaluations filtered by its own preliminary comprehension. Police culture consists of all the unsaid assumptions of being a policeman, the organizational structures of police, official policies, unofficial ways of behaviour, forms of arrest, procedures of practice and different kinds of training habits, attitudes towards suspects and citizens, and also possible corruption. Police culture channels its members’ feelings and emotions. Crank says that police culture can be seen in how policemen express their feelings. He advises police researchers to ask themselves how it feels to be a member of the police. Ethos has been described as a communal frame for thought that guides one’s actions. According to sociologist Martti Grönfors, the Finnish mentality of the Protestant ethic is accentuated among Finnish policemen. The concept of ethos expresses very well the self-made mentality as an ethical tension which prevails in police work between communal belonging and individual freedom of choice. However, it is significant that it is a matter of the quality of relationships, and that the relationship is always tied to the context of the cultural history of dealing with one’s anxiety. According to criminologist Clifford Shearing, the values of police culture act as subterranean processes of the maintenance of social power in society. Policemen have been called microcosmic mediators, or street corner politicians. Robert Reiner argues that at the level of self-comprehension, policemen disparage the dimension of politics in their work. Reiner points out that all relationships which hold a dimension of power are political. Police culture has also been called a canteen culture. This idea expresses the day-to-day basis of the mentality of taking care of business which policing produces as a necessity for dealing with everyday hardships. According to police researcher Timo Korander, this figurative expression embodies the nature of police culture as a crew culture which is partly hidden from police chiefs who are at a different level. This multitude of standpoints depicts the diversity of police cultures. According to Reiner, one should not see police culture as one monolithic whole; instead one should assess it as the interplay of individuals negotiating with their environment and societal power networks. The cases analyzed formed different plateaus of study. The first plateau was the so-called ‘Rovaniemi arson’ case in the summer of 1930. The second plateau consisted of the examinations of alleged police assaults towards the Communists during the Finnish Continuation War of 1941 to 1944 and the threats that societal change after the war posed to Finnish Society. The third plateau was thematic. Here I investigated how using force towards police clients has changed culturally from the 1930s to the 1980s. The fourth plateau concerned with the material produced by the Security Police detectives traced the interaction between Soviet KGB agents and Finnish politicians during the long 1970s. The fifth plateau of larger changes in Finnish police culture then occurred during the 1980s as an aftermath of the former decade. The last, sixth plateau of changing relationships between policing and the national logic of action can be seen in the murder of two policemen in the autumn of 1997. My study shows that police culture has transformed from a “stone cold” steely fixed identity towards a more relational identity that tries to solve problems by negotiating with clients instead of using excessive force. However, in this process of change there is a traceable paradox in Finnish policing and police culture. On the one hand, policemen have, at the practical level, constructed their policing identity by protecting their inner self in their organizational role at work against the projections of anger and fear in society. On the other hand, however, they have had to safeguard themselves at the emotional level against the predominance of this same organizational role. Because of this dilemma they must simultaneously construct both a distance from their own role as police officers and the role of the police itself. This makes the task of policing susceptible to the political pressures of society. In an era of globalization, and after the heyday of the welfare state, this can produce heightened challenges for Finnish police culture.
  • Tapaninen, Irma (Helsingin yliopisto, 2014)
    This dissertation examines Finnish writer Algot Untola's (1868-1918) artistic mission in writing his first novel Harhama and presents a new interpretation. The research task focused on understanding the logic of his creative activity between the years 1906-1909. According to the main hypothesis Harhama and his other writings belong to the carnivalesque genre, which is always opposed to the mainstream culture of the era. The study applies Mikhail Bakhtin's language and literary theory to demonstrate the interaction between Untola's writings and the writings of other authors. The study investigates the value and meaning context in which Untola wrote Harhama, the values and meanings that Untola introduces in Harhama, and the value and meaning context where Harhama has been received. Harhama provides the most important research data, while the sequel Martva was a secondary source. Untola's newspaper articles of the same period are also important data as well as texts that have dealt with Untola or his writings during the research period in 1906 to 1909. One of the most important perspectives based on Bakhtin s theory has been an important theme in carnivalesque literature: the struggle between an official serious culture and unofficial comic culture. In Harhama Untola wrote from the perspective of traditional Finnish agrarian culture and attempted discourse with the national high culture. The study examines the carnival features of Harhama. It is a Menippean satire which includes a hidden polemic toward different philosophical and ideological trends. Harhama was Untola's statement commenting on topical cultural issues. He discussed in particular the ideas that characterized the radical cultural youth: political activism, free love and symbolist/decadent literature. The analysis in a broad context illuminates Untola's critical attitude toward these ideas. Untola was a dissident, which is why Harhama as well as his other texts caused much debate. The reception of Harhama linked to the struggle between liberal and conservative nationalist Finns. Untola s worldview was originally close to conservative nationalist thinking. The nationalist elite and Untola had, however, a big difference in their attitudes toward lower class people. In particular, this difference was reflected in morality and culture-related issues. Previous studies on Untola's writings and activity interpreted them from the cultural elite point of view. This study turns that perspective upside down and illuminates how Untola saw society. Thus, it also gives a new perspective on Finnish history.
  • Talvitie, Petri (Helsingin yliopisto, 2013)
    The emergence of exclusive property rights in land Enclosure in the Western Nyland in the 18th century This is a study of the storskifte reform (the Swedish equivalent of the Europe-wide enclosure movement), one of the major events in the history of the Finnish countryside from the mid-18th century onwards. In this work I analyse the storskifte from the local-community point of view. How did the peasantry react to the storskifte and how did the rural community actually change? The study area comprises four parishes, Ingå, Karis, Sjundeå and Tenala, situated in the province of Western Nyland at the northern shore of the Gulf of Finland. At the time Western Nyland was one of the most industrialised regions in Finland with a flourishing sawmill and iron industry. In this study I demonstrate that enclosure was not implemented against the will of the peasant population, as has been previously assumed. Firstly, peasants actively applied for the privatisation of the commons: about 60% of all applicants were peasant farmers. The most active initiators were the so-called rusthållare (the holders of the farm , obliged to furnish a cavalryman). Every second rusthållare applied for enclosure. Secondly, there are no signs of peasant resistance, even though some farmers were afraid of the high costs. Even the landless population seems to have accepted the partition without opposition. Furthermore, the enclosure proceedings began immediately after the first enclosure statute of 1757. The very first enclosure was carried out at the village of Breds in the parish of Ingå in 1757, and the majority of the commons had been privatised by 1775. The heyday of privatisation came in the 1760s, when cereal prices were high. The storskifte reform started early in the Helsinki region and around the town of Lovisa too, whereas in the inland parishes of the province of Nyland storskifte proceedings were carried out much later. Thus, the proximity of large consumer centres, such as towns and other industrial centres, can be seen as by far the most important explanation for the diffusion of enclosure. This positive attitude was largely due to the fact that landowners could decide the timing of the partition by themselves. The storskifte was not an enforced reform. The situation was different in the provinces of Ostrobotnia (then including Lapland), Savolax and Karelia, and later in the province of Viborg, where all common land was privatised at the same time as the implementation of fiscal reforms. According to the special enclosure statute for the southern provinces of Finland, enacted in 1766, county governors were entitled to initiate enclosure proceedings without consulting land-owners, and governors also exercised their powers in Western Nyland. Around 10 40% of all proceedings were carried out publicly. However, the enclosure process had begun long before these general regulations, therefore the vast majority of enclosures were eventually carried out privately. In addition, the peasants were ready to abandon the common field system because it was prone to conflict. Some neighbours widened their narrow strips of land illegally, or logged more wood than others. The policing of property rights was difficult, especially in those villages where the commons were used for heavy land clearances and commercial purposes. Thus, as a consequence, privatising the commons was an attractive opportunity for a land-owner, as it was then much easier to determine what was mine and what was thine. Furthermore, privatisation facilitated the clearance of unproductive wastelands such as marshes and fens. As far as new settlements are concerned, the partition of commons failed to achieve its intended influence, as Western Nyland was already densely populated before the storskifte reform.
  • Määttä, Vesa (2010)
    Matti Laurila (1895 1983) This is a biographical research of a Jaeger officer, a Civil Guard Chief, a Field Commander Matti Laurila. A broader practice of qualitative methods was utilized in the research. The main aim is a permanent reconstruction and reinterpretation of past events through the experiences of the study object. The life and times of Laurila are intertwined with the crucial events that led to the Finnish Declaration of Independence. Afterwards he helped to ensure that the young republic also stayed independent. As a Jaeger in the winter of 1917 Laurila witnessed an incident he would never forget. After disobeying a direct order, Sven Saarikoski from Lapua was shot dead by his commanding officer, K. A. Ståhlberg, on the ice of the river Aa. Laurila faced the horrors of war at closer quarters, for he lost his father and his brother in the battle of Länkipohja on 16th March 1918. This battle was a major turning point for Laurila and profoundly influenced the rest of his life. The relationship between Laurila and his superiors was problematic almost throughout his military career, haunted as he was by the memory of Sven Saarikoski's execution and the losses in Länkipohja The position of Laurila as an authority in South Ostrobothnia was a key factor in preventing the extreme right from rallying enough Civil Guard troops to escalate the embryonic Mäntsälä rebellion of 1932. After the rebellion Laurila routinely opposed anything he saw as a threat to the independence of the Civil Guard. He would flatly refuse to even consider the integration of the Civil Guard into the national defence force. His uncompromising stand in this matter annoyed some among the higher ranking officers. After the Winter War Laurila got himself into a dispute with Jaeger Colonel H. E. Hannuksela that would have long-lasting consequences. The conflicts between them became widely known in the attack phase of the Continuation War in 1941 at the latest. Laurila had to give up his military career at the end of 1944. In the years that followed he did what he could to ensure that the South Ostrobothnia Civil Guard patrimony remained in the province. Laurila's position as a respected authority in South Ostrobothnia remained unchanged until his death.
  • Selin, Sinikka (Nuorisotutkimusverkosto/Nuorisotutkimusseura, 2017)
    Young people s educational decisions and entrance into the labour market are constantly topical issues, perhaps partly because one can only guess what the future labour market will be like. Educational and occupational decisions have wide and far-reaching consequences in an individual s life. These decisions are influenced by the social structure, but at the same time they shape social development. The study at hand deals with Finnish young people s educational and occupational aspirations in the rapidly changing society of the 1950s and 1960s. The study analyses and demonstrates how gender, family background and educational history influenced what the young people perceived as possible, desirable and/or likely to happen in their lives. The sample group for the study consisted of 15 17-year-olds who were finishing mandatory schooling in the capital of Finland, Helsinki. The main source material comprised vocational guidance counselling forms that the young people had completed. Documents for 1,350 young people were sampled from three periods (1950, 1960 and 1968 1971). The data were analysed with descriptive statistics to form a general view of the phenomenon. To explain the observations more deeply, smaller groups and individuals were analysed. In Helsinki, the diverse economic structure and ample schooling options at the time offered many alternatives. The young people s opportunities and willingness to seize upon them were, however, constrained by many factors. The selective school system divided the pupils into two cohorts when the children were 10 years old. The family s social class was strongly related to this division. The mostly middle-class young people in theoretically oriented secondary schools had wider education and employment options to choose from than the young people in more practically oriented elementary schools. The family s economic, cultural and social capital outlined and channelled the young people s perceptions of education and working life as well as their attitudes towards the different options available to them. Further, their plans strictly adhered to a gendered division of trades. The environment in which the young people were considering their future was being revolutionised by many changes: the transformation of economic and occupational structures, rapidly developing technology, a rising standard of living, an increasing emphasis on occupational skills, improvements in social security, and married women becoming more and more frequently employed. The significance and demand for formal education increased substantially in the 1950s and 1960s, and both secondary school and occupational education became more popular. Work was central to young people s aspirations in the early 1950s, but during the next two decades it gave way to education. Vocational guidance counselling went through a change as well, and here the young people s own opinions gained more importance. As part of the slowly emerging individualisation, young people functioned more as independent actors instead of being entirely dependent on the family. The rapid and forceful societal change expanded the scope of the young people s educational and occupational aspirations both qualitatively and quantitatively. At the same time, it increased young people s uncertainty regarding the future. Keywords: vocational guidance counselling, young people, education, choice of a career, aspiration, Helsinki, 1950s, 1960s, societal change, selective school system, social class, gender
  • Mainio, Aleksi (Omakustanne, 2015)
    The October Revolution in 1917 led to Europe being divided into two camps. The turmoil in Russia also affected Finland, the territory of which became a safe haven for different counterrevolutionary organisations. It is possible to even talk about an invisible war between Finland and the Soviet Union although officially the countries had reached a peace agreement in 1920. This doctoral thesis examines how different White Russian intelligence and military organisations used the territory of Finland for counterrevolutionary activities between 1918 and 1939. It also discusses the relations of the Finnish Security Police and the Military Intelligence of the General Staff with the underground organisations and the attitude of Finnish authorities towards their illegal activities. No comprehensive research has previously been made on these activities. Nor have the groups operating in Finland been formerly examined in a broader international context. Research on these movements and their operations in Finland has therefore remained fragmented and unconnected with the broader picture of the anti-Bolshevistic activity in Russia and the whole of Europe. One of the main conclusions of this thesis is that the territory of Finland served as a significant base for counterrevolutionary operations. Between 1918 and 1939, White Russian emigrants organised intelligence operations and even terrorist attacks against the Soviet Union from the territory of Finland. These events resulted from the previous history of the country and its geopolitical location close to Leningrad and Moscow as well as from the traditions of Finnish activism. This thesis also shows that the White Russian emigrant organisations were closely linked with Finnish security authorities. Arranging terrorist and intelligence operations against the Soviet Union would have been almost impossible without their active or at least passive support. The General Staff, in particular, and the Finnish Security Police to a certain extent, were ready to tolerate and even support the secret activities of White Russian emigrants under certain conditions. This resulted from their desire to affect the developments in the Soviet Union but also from the great demand for intelligence on the neighbouring country. Without close cooperation with the emigrant organisations this would have been difficult to achieve. Such cooperation was a major risk for Finland and its relations with the Soviet Union. From time to time it might even have brought the countries onto the verge of a military conflict. Soviet propaganda used the support of Finnish authorities to emigrant activists involved in terrorist attack plans to harm the reputation of Finland and to justify the shift towards an increasingly totalitarian system.
  • Koskimies, Tapio (Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulu, 2011)
    The doctoral thesis deals with Finnish and foreign expert s analyses of Finland s military strategic position and defence capability, dating back to the early years of the Cold War. Finland s military high command prepared assessments of the country s strategic position and of the capability of the Defence Forces as grounds for defence planning. Since Finland was located on the Cold War dividing line, the foreign powers were also monitoring the development of Finland s situation. The research carried out had access to the armed forces internal assessments, as well as to analyses prepared by the military intelligence services of Sweden, Britain and the United States. One of the working hypotheses was that after the WWII the ability military leadership to estimate the security political needs of the country and the organisation of its defence was severely weakened so that the dangers of the international development were not perceived and the gradual erosion of defence capability was partly unnoticed. This hypothesis proved to be wrong. Even if the Finnish military intelligence was much weaker than during the war, it was able to provide the military leadership with information of the international military development for the most part. The military leadership was also fully aware of the weakening of the defence capability of the country. They faced the difficult task of making the country s political leadership, i.e. President Paasikivi and the government, also understand the gravity of the situation. Only in the last years of his term in office Paasikivi started to believe the warnings of the military. According to another hypothesis, outside observers considered the Finnish armed forces to primarily act as reinforcements for the Soviet Red Army, and they believed that, in the event of a full-scale war, the Finns would not have been able or even willing to resist a Soviet invasion of Sweden and Norway through Finland. The study confirmed that this was approximately the view the Swedes, the British and the Americans had of the Finnish forces. Western and Swedish intelligence assessments did not show confidence in Finland s defence ability and the country was regarded almost as a Soviet satellite. Finland s strategic position was, however, considered slightly different from that of the Soviet-occupied Eastern European countries. Finland had been forced to become part of the Soviet sphere of interest and security system and this was sealed by the Finno-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance in 1948. Finland had little importance to the military interests of the Western powers. In Sweden s defence planning, however, Finland played a significant role as an alarm bell of a possible Soviet surprise attack, as well as defensive frontline and buffer zone.
  • Silvennoinen, Oula (Otava, 2008)
    Salaiset aseveljet deals with the relations and co-operation between Finnish and German security police authorities, the Finnish valtiollinen poliisi and the German Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA) and its predecessors. The timeframe for the research stretches from the Nazi seizure of power in 1933 to the end of German-Finnish co-belligerency in 1944. The Finnish Security Police was founded in 1919 to protect the young Finnish Republic from the Communists both in Finland and in Soviet Russia. Professional ties to German colleagues were maintained during the 1920 s, and quickly re-established after the Nazis rose to power in Germany. Typical forms of co-operation concentrated on the fight against both domestic and international Communism, a concern particularly acute in Finland because of her exposed position as a neighbour to the Soviet Union. The common enemy proved to be a powerful unifying concept. During the 1930 s the forms of co-operation developed from regular and routine exchanges of information into personal acquaintancies between the Finnish Security Police top personnel and the highest SS-leadership. The critical period of German-Finnish security police co-operation began in 1941, as Finland joined the German assault on the Soviet Union. Together with the Finnish Security Police, the RSHA set up a previously unknown special unit, the Einsatzkommando Finnland, entrusted with the destruction of the perceived ideological and racial enemies on the northernmost part of the German Eastern Front. Joint actions in northern Finland led also members of the Finnish Security Police to become participants in mass murders of Communists and Jews. Post-war criminal investigations into war crimes cases involving former security police personnel were invariably stymied because of the absence of usually both the suspects and the evidence. In my research I have sought to combine the evidence gathered through an exhaustive study of Finnish Security Police archival material with a wide selection of foreign sources. Important new evidence has been gathered from archives in Germany, Estonia, Latvia, Sweden and the United States. Piece by piece, it has become possible to draw a comprehensive picture of the ultimately fateful relationship of the Finnish Security Police to its mighty German colleague.
  • Snellman, Alex (Omakustanne, 2014)
    The dissertation is based on a simple observation: in the beginning of the nineteenth century the nobility ruled the Grand Duchy of Finland. The nobles were on the top of the society. A social group that represented 0.2 percent of the population controlled 30-40 percent of manors and higher offices. Three-quarters of the government council members were nobles. The Finnish society has changed drastically since then. Today the nobility is of no relevance, and the nobles have all but disappeared from public life. The members of parliament, government ministers and business leaders are all non-nobles. It is evident that, at least, after the Second Wold War the nobility did not have any social significance. When did the nobility loose its social standing, through which mechanisms and why? How did it move from the top of the society to new roles? Alex Snellman studies this fundamental social transformation in his doctoral dissertation. The approach of the dissertation is socio-historical: the main source for historical analysis is an extensive dataset that includes all the members of the Finnish nobility (nearly 20,000 persons). Statistical findings are complemented and illustrated by case studies that portray eight noble families: Armfelt, Furuhjelm, Järnefelt, Mannerheim, Ramsay, Soisalon-Soininen, Törngren and von Wendt. The dissertation suggests that the Finnish nobility lost its dominant role in the society at the turn of the century 1800-1900 and disappeared completely from the political elite when the first republic was replaced by the second republic after the Second Wold War. A few nobles have had some influence in the economic elite to this day, but for the most part nobles have lost their economic positions as well. The Finnish nobility has turned into a middle-class social group. In part, the nobility lost its influence because of political upheavals: the alliance between the Russian emperor and the Finnish nobility was severed during the russification period at the turn of the century. Key events include also the abolition of the old legislative assembly (the four-estate diet) in 1906, the dissolution of the monarchy in 1917 and the failure to re-establish monarchy, when Finland gained independence. In part, the nobility lost its position because of legislative reforms, such as the abolition of noble privileges from the 1860s onwards. And finally, the influence of the nobility vanished in the minds of the people: as it became more and more common to cross the dividing line between nobles and non-nobles in marriages and as the noble rank lost its value and esteem as status capital. The Finnish nobility did not perish in a revolution, whereas its peaceful withdrawal from the top of the society has been an important factor in the formation of the current egalitarian Finnish society. Finland did not become a rigid class society in the British manner. The old elite renounced its power - albeit under social pressure - for the most part voluntarily.
  • Yliaska, Ville (Into Kustannus, 2014)
    This study explores the birth and development of marketisation of the public sector in Finland since the 1970s. These quasi-market reforms were labeled New Public Management (NPM) in the 1990s. The main idea of NPM was to introduce competition and result-oriented management into the public sector. The main focus falls on three different reforms: the management-by-results reform, state subsidy reform and the incorporation and privatization of public agencies. The research falls at the intersection of political and administrational history. The analysis is based primarily on archival sources, press debates and publications that deal with the marketisation of the public sector. The main questions are: how were the reforms justified and how it was possible to maintain the wave of reform for decades without any feedback about the economic impacts of the reforms? The study begins with the history of the welfare state and with the criticism that the welfare state encountered from different directions in the wake of the oil crisis of the 1970s. The study shows that New Public Management was one of the turning points where ideas about democratisation, decentralisation, conservancy and decommodification of work born in the 1960s and mid-1970s gave way to the centralisation, recommodification and marketisation of structures in the public sector. The study also shows that by 1980s and 1990s power over public resources in Finnish society was centralised from local to central government through doctrines of New Public Management, which separated operational and strategic power in order to reallocate public resources from welfare services to industrial policy. This power shift is analysed in the context of the recession of the 1970s, which was interpreted at the time as an overproduction crisis. The main justification of the NPM reforms – “decentralization” – is analysed from different angles, but the main focus is on the methods of conceptual history. The political battle over the meaning of the concept “decentralisation”, which had a pleasant connotation, was an important factor in defining the results of the reforms. The findings of the study align with the recent interpretations of the political and economic history of other European countries where structural reforms have also led to the centralisation of power from local government to the central government and especially to the treasury.
  • Pihlaja, Päivi Maria (Suomen tiedeseura, 2009)
    In the eighteenth century, the birth of scientific societies in Europe created a new framework for scientific cooperation. Through a new contextualist study of the contacts between the first scientific societies in Sweden and the most important science academy in Europe at the time, l Académie des Sciences in Paris, this dissertation aims to shed light on the role taken by the Swedish learned men in the new networks. It seeks to show that the academy model was related to a new idea of specialisation in science. In the course of the eighteenth century, it is argued, the study of the northern phenomena and regions offered the Swedes an important field of speciality with regard to their foreign colleagues. Although historical studies have often underlined the economic, practical undertone of eighteenth-century Swedish science, participation in fashionable scientific pursuits had also become an important scene for representation. However, the views prevailing in Europe tied civilisation and learning closely to the sunnier, southern climates, which had lead to the difficulty of portraying Sweden as a learned country. The image of the scientific North, as well as the Swedish strategies to polish the image of the North as a place for science, are analysed as seen from France. While sixteenth-century historians had preferred to put down the effects of the cold and claim a similarity of northern conditions to the others, the scientific exchange between Swedish and French researchers shows a new tendency to underline the difference of the North and its harsh climate. An explanation is sought by analysing how information about northern phenomena was used in France. In the European academies, new empirical methods had lead to a need for direct observations on different phenomena and circumstances. Rather than curiosities or objects for exoticism, the eighteenth-century depictions of the northern periphery tell about an emerging interest in the most extreme, and often most telling, examples of the workings of the invariable laws of nature. Whereas the idea of accumulating knowledge through cooperation was most manifest in joint astronomical projects, the idea of gathering and comparing data from differing places of observation appears also in other fields, from experimental philosophy to natural studies or medicine. The effects of these developments are studied and explained in connection to the Montesquieuan climate theories and the emerging pre-romantic ideas of man and society.