Christian and Muslim conflict in Southern Philippines intensified during the last few decades although a shared history dates back 435 years ago. The government has so far failed to deliver genuine peace and stability to 22 million people in Mindanao suffering from poverty, displacement, and bloodshed. After the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, the international community became aware of Islamic fundamentalist movements in Southeast Asia. The US government linked a Filipino Muslim group, Abu Sayyaf, to Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda, justifying the staging in Mindanao of what US Pres. George Bush said as the second largest 'war against terrorism' after Afghanistan. Whatever impact terrorist acts may have from Basilan to Manhattan, peace research is more urgent and significant than ever. This study looks at the causes of violence amongst Christian and Muslim Filipinos and consequently explores areas for peace by asking: "What are the reasons of conflict? Who are the actors and agenda-setters? How can a local conflict become linked to international terrorism? What are the ways and means of effective and immediate conflict resolution in Mindanao?" To acquire firsthand insight, in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted in the Philippines in June-October 2002 using a 60-day participant observation and the triangulation method for data gathering. Through snowball sampling, talks with different groups (government, military, rebels, academics, and NGOs) gave comprehensive and balanced analyses. Second, a quantitative survey of 400 youth respondents gave different views from Muslim and Christian perspectives, especially on concepts of alienation, animosity, and political participation. Finally, international newspaper reports, journals, and local publications were cautiously used as primary sources. Results showed contradictory views on the causes of conflict, whether economic, socio-political, or religious, depending on individuals and groups. Respondents said aggression was caused by economic neglect, frustration with the government, and lack of socio-political influence. Solutions offered are poverty alleviation, tolerance of socio-cultural diversity, strong leadership, and recognition of international peace agreements. Other means of conflict resolution involve empowering citizens, creating a balance of forces, channeling resources at the grassroots level, and cultivating a culture of peace.

Yhdysvaltojen ns. 'sota terrorismia vastaan' on tuonut uuskonservatismille paljon julkisuutta. Tästä huolimatta uuskonservatismia ja Yhdysvaltojen nationalismia laajemmin käsitteleviä tutkimuksia on edelleen vähän. Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on analysoida identiteettien rooleja Yhdysvaltojen ulkopolitiikassa. Tutkimus luo uuden mallin monensuuntaisista identifikaatio-prosesseista. Ensinnäkin kansallinen identiteetti muodostuu kollektiivisina pidetyistä käsityksistä kansan olemuksesta. Toisaalta, merkittävä ja toistuva piirre Yhdysvaltojen kansallisen identiteetin muodostumisessa on 'vihollisten', 'liittolaisten' ja 'pahojen voimien' vastakkaiset identiteetit, joilla omaa 'puhdasta' identiteettiä korostetaan. Nämä vastakkaiset ja ristiriitaiset prosessit ovat vahvasti esillä Yhdysvaltojen uuskonservatismin kentällä. Tutkimuksessa kehitetty identifikaatio-prosessien malli perustuu Carl Schmittin poliittisiin teorioihin. Schmitt on tunnettu poikkeustila-teoriastaan. Hänen ajattelussaan vastakkainasettelu ja vihollisen läsnäolo korostuvat. Sekä Schmittin että uuskonservatiivien teksteissä korostuu kaksi periaatteellista teemaa, poikkeavuus ja erottautuminen. Nämä teemat nousivat keskeisiksi tekemässäni retorisessa analyysissä, tutkimuksen empiirisessa osassa. Analysoin yhden yhdysvaltalaisen ns. think tankin julkaisemia kirjoituksia ja julkaisuja terrorismin vastaisesta sodasta. Analyysi perustuu Jacques Derridalta ja etenkin Kenneth Burkelta saatuihin vaikutteisiin. Yksi tutkimuksen tuloksista on se, että jatkuva identiteettien vastakkainasettelu lisää konfliktin riskiä joka tasolla. Johtopäätöksenä voidaan sanoa, että sellaiset identiteetti-diskurssit, jotka löytyvät Schmittin ja uuskonservatiivien kirjoituksista, edistävät poissulkevia ja taistelevia poliittisia linjoja erityisesti ulkopolitiikassa. Mitä pidemmälle ulkopoliittiset asenteet kehittyvät tähän suuntaan, sitä vähemmän sovinnollisemmat ja rakentavammat argumentit pääsevät esiin.

This research forms a discursive analysis of almost two decades of key statements delivered by Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, secretary-general of the Lebanese nationalist militia and political party, Hezbollah. The statements, sourced primarily from a translated compilation edited by Nicholas Noe and published by Verso (2007), reflect the continually evolving populist strategies of a party which has, against many odds, gained a large and impressively cross-sectarian support base in Lebanon and the surrounding region. The aim of the study is two-pronged. It hopes to offer an insightful analysis into the pragmatic politicking of a democratically elected, yet demonstrably lethally armed political party which is possessed of the potential to greatly influence peace and conflict in the region. It also seeks to promote an alternative theoretical perspective to research which continually seeks to locate similar such case studies on an ideologically loaded matrix of'terrorism vs. freedom fighter'. The theory outlined in Ernesto Laclau's 'On Populist Reason' (2005) functions as the framework for analysis. This non-pathological theory of populism provides an excellent lens through which to more objectively examine the way in which popular support is mobilized by what may be essentially democratic, yet highly controversial political movements. After analyzing constructions of 'the enemy', 'the people' and the role of the signifier of resistance over three separate chronological time periods, the research concludes that the politicking of Hezbollah has witnessed a significant discursive shift away from the rhetoric of extremism and towards that of political moderation. This analysis is noteworthy at a time when dominant western political discourses proclaim the dangers of openly 'fundamentalist' or extremist discourses as a threat to the ideals of global liberal democracy. It is concluded that political research should not underestimate the intelligence and pragmatism of groups who build, mobilize and maintain their support as powerful, armed and potentially dangerous non-state actors. A theoretical approach which allows for the insightful analysis of discursive phenomena, within the context of important socio-political factors, retains more likelihood of offering genuine insight into the popular political as it relates to a volatile regional and potentially global context.

The weight of neoconservative ideology in world politics is generally identified and acknowledged. In spite of this more profound studies are found wanting. I attempt to make the ideology more understandable and approach it from a distinct point of view, examining neoconservatism's attitude to torture in the United States' 'Global War on Terror'. In so doing, my aim is also to clarify the thus far somewhat vague distinction between the current U.S. administration and neoconservatism in political and academic writing. I have utilized the theory of cognitive dissonance created by Leon Festinger to study the mechanisms in play concerning the different attitudes toward the use of torture. The theory has so far found very few applications in the study of international relations, but I believe there to be significant potential in its future use. On a more concrete level, I undertake to examine whether the core values of neoconservatism (human rights, liberal democracy, 'American values' and 'moral use of power') on the one hand, and condoning attitudes toward the use of torture on the other, give rise to an intolerable inner conflict that could be called cognitive dissonance. The use of torture is absolutely prohibited in international law, standards and norms. The most central internationally binding legal obligation prohibiting the use of torture is the Convention against Torture from 1984. The convention prohibits the use of torture in all cases and without exception. My study examines the question of torture in the context of the 'War on Terror' and the relation of torture to the individual. The individual rises in fact to be one of the most salient levels of analysis in the paper: each of neoconservatism's core values can be said to be based on defending the rights of the individual while torture can simultaneously be defined as being the ultimate denial of the individual worth and dignity. I conclude my study by asserting that neoconservatism's attitude toward torture has led to severe conflicts with its own core values. Although accurate definitions of the mechanisms used in alleviating the dissonance are impossible to find, the study gives evidence indicating that denial of responsibility and a rearranging of the hierarchy of internal values can have been included in the reduction of dissonance. I consider the notion that attempts to reduce dissonance typically 'spill over' to other seemingly unattached areas of decision-making very important. This means that in addition to core values or the fundamental level of ideology, past decisions also influence future decisions.

The scale and pervasiveness of mass-mediated communication in modem life is so great that media influence permeates all layers of politics, society and culture. 'The news media exert their influence ... by determining in part which issues people use in making their overall evaluations' (Miller and Krosnick 1997: 260). Within this context, news outlets play an exceptionally important role in transforming and replicating dominant political, social and cultural beliefs, as well as setting policy agendas. One manner in which news media shape perceptions of key events is through the act of framing. Erving Goffman (1979: 10-15) maintained that framing is a matter of everyday circumstance, whereby an individual's subjective involvement in events or everyday life, operates on the basis of previous experience. In news media, news frames serve as journalistic tools through which journalists recounting a story in a limited amount of space place an event within its broader context (Norris et al. 2003: 10-11). Framing in media reports, may be understood as the employment of symbols, words and historical references by journalists. These provide associational conceptualizations whereby any event is understood in relation to a series of other events, which are expected to be familiar to the wider audience. Framing, or more importantly, the selection of one frame over another, provides evidence of potentially ideational undercurrents which are present in wider society. Additionally, frames can impact broader social values due to the content: texts, images and structures; of the news reports which are produced within news organizations, and subsequently published to a wider, often nationwide, audience. The resulting content of any news report is frequently the result of subconscious omissions, emphases and inclusions of information. The omissions, emphases and inclusions of any news report are not necessarily attributable to any explicit ideational actions by media outlets or reporters; rather factors such as politics, history, culture, economics, ideology and society are expected to play a role in subconsciously or cognitively influencing th way that the news media frames issues and events.

The emergence of religiously -motivated terrorist attacks and the increasing xenophobia expressed in Europe concern religions in many ways. Questions related to religion also lie at the core of educational aims and practices used to create national cohesion and understanding about different types of values and worldviews. However, despite the topicality of the issue, we have little knowledge about the ways in which young adults experience religions in a secular state. In order to contribute to the discussion regarding the relationships between religion, nationality, security, and education, this study focuses on investigating how politically active young adults experience the role of religions in Finnish society. The qualitative data of this study were collected from young adults (18–30-year- olds) through an online questionnaire distributed through political youth organisations. The content analysis of the responses (altogether 250 respondents) identified five main orientations towards religions. The findings highlight the importance of providing young people with education about different faiths and worldviews for reducing prejudices, especially those related to Islam. The findings also highlight the need to address in education and society the possible but not as self-evident relationship between violence and religion, and to do this more explicitly than is currently done.

Recent atrocities have ensured that terrorism and how to deal with terrorists legally and politically has been the subject of much discussion and debate on the international stage. This book presents a study of changes in the legal treatment of those perpetrating crimes of a political character over several decades. It most centrally deals with the political offence exception and how it has changed. The book looks at this change from an international perspective with a particular focus on the United States. Interdisciplinary in approach, it examines the fields of terrorism and political crime from legal, political science and criminological perspectives. It will be of interest to a broad range of academics and researchers, as well as to policymakers involved in creating new anti-terrorist policies.

The language we use when we talk about terrorism has an important role to play in the discursive construction of terrorism. Thus, how terrorism is perceived in the media, politics and official public discourses influences how we perceive terrorists to be. The constructive perspective of terrorism does not deny the existence of it: terrorism is real, but what it means depends on the interpretations. Counterterrorism also depends on these interpretations of terrorism. Therefore, it is argued that how states perceive ‘terrorism’ impacts their counterterrorism measures and policies. The overall aim of the study is to examine the interplay between terrorism and counterterrorism. The focus is on understanding how terrorism is perceived in the official public discourse of terrorism within the context of the UK’s counterterrorism strategy ‘CONTEST’ and contemporary terrorism since 9/11. Another layer of the argument concerns how the discursive practices constitute terrorist Other and thus, how the perceptions of terrorist Other constructed by the Self reproduce, reinforce and constitute behaviour, interests and identity of the Self. The aim is not to understand terrorist Other, but rather to analyse how Other is constructed by the Self and what effects this has on the Self. In this study, the UK occupies the role of Self, and contemporary terrorism, as perceived by the Self, represents the Other. The theoretical background of the study is on critical terrorism studies, constructivism by Alexander Wendt and securitisation theory. The research material consists of four different versions of the UK’s counterterrorism strategy CONTEST from the years 2006, 2009, 2011 and 2018. CONTEST provides comprehensive research material for this study because it sets the general agenda of counterterrorism aims, measures and policies in the UK. In the first part of the analysis, the study identifies five different perceptions of terrorist Other utilising critical discourse analysis by Norman Fairclough. The five perceptions of terrorist Other are active, different from the Self, radicalised, a non-state actor, and finally, an enemy. Based on these five perceptions of terrorist Other, the second part of the analysis then focuses on the interplay between terrorist Other and Self. The perceptions of terrorist Other are argued to reproduce, reinforce and constitute Self’s behaviour, interests and identity, and therefore influence on the counterterrorism practised by the UK. Analysing how terrorism is perceived through the construction of terrorist Other provides a broader understanding of the official public discourse of terrorism in the UK. In addition, the study argues that Self decides its actions by reflecting on the perceptions of terrorism it has created itself. Therefore, constructing terrorism as represented might partially explain counterterrorism measures and policies in the UK.

Syftet med min avhandling är att utifrån teoribildningen om sociala representationer söka förståelse för hurudana självrepresentationer unga muslimer som rest till Syrien under konflikten och återvänt har av sig själva samt hur de upplever att de positioneras av omvärlden. Jag är även intresserad av hurdana behov de anser sig själva ha efter hemkomsten. Vidare granskar jag hur aktörer inom Finlands Exit-verksamhet ser på de unga vuxna samt hurudana behov de professionella uppfattar att dessa unga har. Avhandlingen avser redogöra för eventuella skillnader och likheter mellan de ovannämnda gruppernas uppfattningar samt diskutera möjliga konsekvenser av dessa i kontexten politiska åtgärder mot radikalisering och terrorism. I dagens läge är forskningsfältet gällande Syrienresenärer bristfälligt, trots ständigt pågående diskussioner gällande myndighetsåtgärder och stödtjänster för återvändande Syrienresenärer. Därmed är syftet att bidra med kunskap inom socialt arbete gällande återvändande Syrienresenärers livssituationer och behov av stöd. Som datainsamlingsmetod valde jag kvalitativ intervju. Fyra intervjuer gjordes med professionella involverade i Finlands Exit-verksamhet. Därtill intervjuade jag tre unga vuxna som återvänt från Syrien till Finland och en ung vuxen som fortfarande befann sig i Syrien. Av de fyra professionella som jag intervjuat till min studie arbetar tre personer inom den tredje sektorn och en för finska myndigheter. De unga vuxna jag intervjuat har alla finländskt medborgarskap, gruppen består av både män och kvinnor och samtliga är muslimer, en del berättar att de börjat praktisera religionen först i tonåren eller vuxen ålder. Alla de unga vuxna jag intervjuat har tillbringat kortare eller längre tider i Syrien. Studien visar att de personer som intervjuats rest med intentioner att hjälpa de lidande i Syrien genom humanitär hjälpverksamhet. En del av de unga vuxna var beredda att delta i militär krigsföring mot Bashar al-Assads regeringsstyrkor inför resan till Syrien, men deltog aldrig i strider på plats. De huvudsakliga motiven bakom samtliga informanters resor till Syrien verkar ha varit ett starkt medkännande med lidande muslimer samt upplevelser av ett hårt samhällsklimat, känsla av utanförskap och islamofobi i hemlandet Finland. De centrala teman som framträdde i de unga vuxnas berättelser om tiden efter hemkomsten var upplevelser av behov, möten med myndigheter, vikten av kulturell och religiös förståelse, vikten av rätt terminologi, upplevelser av skam samt konstruktionen av en positiv själv-identitet. Sammanfattningsvis visar resultatet i studien att den mediala och samhälleliga representation av Syrienresenärer upplevs som ensidig, stigmatiserande, felaktigt vinklad och en stereotyperad syn på Syrienresenärer som kriminella, potentiella terrorister och dehumaniserade individer. Syrienresenärer kategoriseras som ”den Andra”, en representation som både de unga och de professionella tar tydligt avstånd från. De unga vuxna positionerar sig genom sina tal som vanliga unga vuxna i förhållande till representationen om unga Syrienresenärer som hot mot samhällets säkerhet och som riskindivider. De positionerar sig som individer med mångfacetterade motiv bakom sina resor, i motsats till den upplevda ensidiga och misstolkade framställningen av dem som ett kollektiv av radikala och kriminella individer. På basen av de unga vuxnas berättelser kan man dra slutsatsen att alla återvändande Syrienresenärer inte behöver stödåtgärder efter hemkomsten. Dock kan man konstatera att en del av de återvändande kan befinna sig i en extra sårbar situation vid hemkomsten. De största behoven bland återvändande ungdomar efter hemkomsten framträder dock som behov av ett gott och neutralt bemötande från myndigheter, oavsett personens bakgrund och eventuella brottsutredningar. Behovet av praktisk hjälp och handledning framträder även som en vital del för en del av de återvändande. En del av de professionella motiverar stödåtgärderna för unga efter hemkomsten med en minimering av säkerhetsrisk, en representation om unga återvändande förankrade i en riskdiskurs, vilket de unga i sin tur tydligt tar avstånd från i sina uttalanden.