Browsing by Subject "valtio-oppi"

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  • Masso, Iivi Anna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2006)
    Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.
  • Ranna, Pia (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    This dissertation enquires into the Islamist and secularist discourses in Turkey by examining the headscarf debates. The debates on the headscarf are perceived as a way through which the polarization between the Islamist and secularist blocs becomes visible. Moreover, the work intends to explain the construction of the collective identity formation by studying through which kinds of articulations the discourse has been constructed. Due to Turkey's sociopolitical and historical development, this thesis considers secularism and Islamism as the two hegemonic discourses in Turkey. The main empirical data consists of Turkish newspaper articles from five different newspapers: Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Yeni Şafak, and Zaman. The articles concern the headscarf debates on four different women: Fadime Şahin, Merve Kavakçı, Leyla Şahin and Hayrünnisa Gül. These women became focal points of the media because of their headscarf. These cases illustrate how the headscarf debates bring the two hegemonic fronts together. The data was limited to the period of 1996-2011. This period consists of 2785 newspaper articles, out of which 228 most relevant ones have been chosen for the purpose of this study. The precise research questions of the thesis are: How is the polarized nature of Turkish society reproduced within the headscarf debates during 1996-2011? And how are the two hegemonic discourses contested and deconstructed within the articulations that form the headscarf debates? In answering these questions, the research uses the methodological apparatus of the Essex school by focusing on the constitution of political identities, the construction of social antagonisms, the establishment of political frontiers, and the different ways the hegemonic demands are being addressed. The final purpose is to describe and explain the articulation processes of the two hegemonic projects. Among other things, the data showed that the Islamist discourse was successfully employing the creation of "we-community" by combining different elements or groups of people who have similar interests. Hence its main theme was not aimed at constructing a social antagonism against the secularist frontier. Rather, it managed to absorb some elements of secularism and provide an alternative version of it via the AKP politics. Contrary to this logic, the secularist discourse seemed to revolve more around the establishment of social antagonisms. Often the secularist discourse turned into an "anti-AKP" discourse. Even though this type of rhetoric aims at building a common identity, it failed in making chains of equivalences in which common interests would meet. Neither of these discourses has managed to create an environment in which an identification with democratic values could have taken place. However, while contesting each other, they managed to further Turkey's democratization. Hence, at the end this research poses a question as to whether this polarization has actually served as a prerequisite for democracy in Turkey's context, as the country today seems to be de-trailing from the path of democracy.
  • Dusseault, David (Helsingin yliopisto, 2010)
    This work is concerned with presenting a modified theoretical approach to the study of centre-periphery relations in the Russian Federation. In the widely accepted scientific discourse, the Russian federal system under the Yeltsin Administration (1991-2000) was asymmetrical; largely owing to the varying amount of structural autonomy distributed among the federation s 89 constituent units. While providing an improved understanding as to which political and socio-economic structures contributed to federal asymmetry, it is felt that associated large N-studies have underemphasised the role played by actor agency in re-shaping Russian federal institutions. It is the main task of this thesis to reintroduce /re-emphasise the importance of actor agency as a major contributing element of institutional change in the Russian federal system. By focusing on the strategic agency of regional elites simultaneously within regional and federal contexts, the thesis adopts the position that political, ethnic and socio-economic structural factors alone cannot fully determine the extent to which regional leaders were successful in their pursuit of economic and political pay-offs from the institutionally weakened federal centre. Furthermore, this work hypothesises that under conditions of federal institutional uncertainty, it is the ability of regional leaders to simultaneously interpret various mutable structural conditions then translate them into plausible strategies which accounts for the regions ability to extract variable amounts of economic and political pay-offs from the Russian federal system. The thesis finds that while the hypothesis is accurate in its theoretical assumptions, several key conclusions provide paths for further inquiry posed by the initial research question. First, without reliable information or stable institutions to guide their actions, both regional and federal elites were forced into ad-hoc decision-making in order to maintain their core strategic focus: political survival. Second, instead of attributing asymmetry to either actor agency or structural factors exclusively, the empirical data shows that both agency and structures interact symbiotically in the strategic formulation process, thus accounting for the sub-optimal nature of several of the actions taken in the adopted cases. Third, as actor agency and structural factors mutate over time, so, too do the perceived payoffs from elite competition. In the case of the Russian federal system, the stronger the federal centre became, the less likely it was that regional leaders could extract the high degree of economic and political pay-offs that they clamoured for earlier in the Yeltsin period. Finally, traditional approaches to the study of federal systems which focus on institutions as measures of federalism are not fully applicable in the Russian case precisely because the institutions themselves were a secondary point of contention between competing elites. Institutional equilibriums between the regions and Moscow were struck only when highly personalised elite preferences were satisfied. Therefore the Russian federal system is the product of short-term, institutional solutions suited to elite survival strategies developed under conditions of economic, political and social uncertainty.
  • Kull, Michael (Department of Political Science, 2008)
    In order to fully understand the process of European integration it is of paramount importance to consider developments at the sub-national and local level. EU integration scholars shifted their attention to the local level only at the beginning of the 1990s with the concept of multi-level governance (MLG). While MLG is the first concept to scrutinise the position of local levels of public administration and other actors within the EU polity, I perceive it as too optimistic in the degree of influence it ascribes to local levels. Thus, learning from and combining MLG with other concepts, such as structural constructivism, helps to reveal some of the hidden aspects of EU integration and paint a more realistic picture of multi-level interaction. This thesis also answers the call for more case studies in order to conceptualise MLG further. After a critical study of theories and concepts of European integration, above all, MLG, I will analyse sub-national and local government in Finland and Germany. I show how the sub-national level and local governments are embedded in the EU s multi-level structure of governance and how, through EU integration, those levels have been empowered but also how their scope of action has partially decreased. After theoretical and institutional contextualisation, I present the results of my empirical study of the EU s Community Initiative LEADER+. LEADER stands for Liaison Entre Actions de Développement de l'Économie Rurale , and aims at improving the economic conditions in Europe s rural areas. I was interested in how different actors construct and shape EU financed rural development, especially in how local actors organised in so-called local action groups (LAGs) cooperate with other administrative units within the LEADER+ administrative chain. I also examined intra-institutional relations within those groups, in order to find out who are the most influential and powerful actors within them. Empirical data on the Finnish and German LAGs was first gathered through a survey, which was then supplemented and completed by interviewing LAG members, LAG-managers, several civil servants from Finnish and German decision-making and managing authorities and a civil servant from the EU Commission. My main argument is that in both Germany and Finland, the Community Initiative LEADER+ offered a space for multi-level interaction and local-level involvement, a space that on the one hand consists of highly motivated people actively contributing to the improvement of the quality of life and economy in Europe s countryside but which is dependent and also restricted by national administrative practices, implementation approaches and cultures on the other. In Finland, the principle of tri-partition (kolmikantaperiaatte) in organising the executive committees of LAGs is very noticeable. In comparison to Germany, for instance, the representation of public administration in those committees is much more limited due to this principle. Furthermore, the mobilisation of local residents and the bringing together of actors from the local area with different social and institutional backgrounds to become an active part of LEADER+ was more successful in Finland than in Germany. Tri-partition as applied in Finland should serve as a model for similar policies in other EU member states. EU integration changed the formal and informal inter-institutional relations linking the different levels of government. The third sector including non-governmental institutions and interest groups gained access to policy-making processes and increasingly interact with government institutions at all levels of public administration. These developments do not necessarily result in the empowering of the local level.
  • Karttunen, Marko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2009)
    This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994–1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994–1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.
  • Niskanen, Mika (Helsingin yliopisto, 2018)
    Tutkimus tarkastelee Yhdysvaltojen kongressissa 3. ja 4. syyskuuta 2013 järjestettyjä kuulemisia, joissa käsiteltiin Syyriassa, Damaskoksen itäpuolella sijaitsevalla Ghoutan maatalousvyöhykkeellä 21. elokuuta 2013 tapahtunutta kemiallista iskua ja Yhdysvaltojen kyseisen iskun perusteella Syyriaan suunnittelemaa sotilaallista väliintuloa. Tutkimus keskittyy Yhdysvaltojen johdon sekä Yhdysvaltain senaatin ulkosuhteiden komitean ja Yhdysvaltain kongressin edustajainhuoneen ulkoasiainkomitean jäsenten näkemyksiin Syyrian sodasta ja Yhdysvaltojen suunnitteleman sotilaallisen väliintulon vaikutuksista kyseisen konfliktin kulkuun. Tutkimus omaksuu Alister Miskimmonin, Ben O’Loughlinin ja Laura Rosellen kehittelemän strategisen kertomuksen käsitteen ja soveltaa kyseistä käsitettä Yhdysvaltojen johdon kongressin kuulemisissa pitämien puheenvuorojen analysoimiseen. Tutkimus tarkastelee Yhdysvaltojen johdon puheenvuoroja yhtenäisenä strategisena kertomuksena, jolla nämä pyrkivät yhtäältä Syyrian sodan muodostaman kansainvälispoliittisen kiistakysymyksen (ja tähän tarjolla olevien ratkaisujen) määrittelemiseen sekä samalla (enemmän tai vähemmän tietoisesti) Yhdysvaltojen maailmanpoliittiselle johtoasemalle suotuisan kansainvälisen järjestyksen tuottamiseen. Miskimmon, O’Loughlin ja Roselle pyrkivät strategisen kertomuksen käsitteellään sen maailmanpolitiikan toimijoiden ja rakenteiden välisen dynamiikan hahmottamiseen, jossa vaikutusvaltaiset ja voimakkaat poliittiset toimijat kykenevät toiminnallaan ja tätä toimintaa jäsentävillä kertomuksilla toimintansa puitteet ja reunaehdot tuottavien aineellisten, geohistoriallisten prosesessien manipuloimiseen, tässä ainakin tietyssä määrin onnistuen. Tutkimus esittää Yhdysvaltojen johdon käyttävän Syyrian sodasta, ns. ”maltillisesta oppositiosta” ja Yhdysvaltojen sotilaallisesta väliintulosta kertomaansa strategista kertomusta maailmanpoliittiselle johtoasemalleen suotuisan kansainvälisen järjestyksen tuottamiseen tilanteessa, jossa Syyrian konfliktin dynamiikka ja aineelliset voimasuhteet olivat kääntyneet Yhdysvaltojen maailmanpoliittisen johtoaseman kannalta epäedullisiksi. Tutkimuksessa tarkasteltu Yhdysvaltojen johdon strateginen kertomus määrittelee Assadin hallinnon kemiallisen iskun ongelmaksi kansainväliselle järjestykselle ja esittää sotilaallisen väliintulon ratkaisuksi tähän ongelmaan. Kertomus pyrkii Yhdysvaltojen kansan ja "kansainvälisen yhteisön" vakuuttamiseen Yhdysvaltojen sotilaallisen väliintulon välttämättömyydestä. Samalla kyseistä kertomusta voidaan lähestyä myös Yhdysvaltojen sotilaallista väliintuloa koskevana lupauksena. Tutkimus tarkastelee Yhdysvaltojen johdon kongressin kuulemisissa kertomaa strategista kertomusta yhtäältä strategisena järjestelmäkertomuksena. Tutkimus esittää kyseisen järjestelmäkertomuksen perustuvan Miskimmonin, O’Loughlinin ja Rosellen Yhdysvaltojen ulkopolitiikasta paikantamaan pyrkimykseen kansojen maailmanpoliittisen aseman vahvistamiseen. Kongressin kuulemisissa kerrottu Yhdysvaltojen johdon strateginen järjestelmäkertomus tukeutuu käsitykseen Yhdysvaltojen erityislaatuisuudesta, minkä katsotaan mahdollistavan Yhdysvaltojen toimimisen ihmiskunnan, maailman ja maailman kansojen itseoikeutettuna edustajana. Tätä tehtävää kongressin kuulemisissa täyttäessään Yhdysvaltojen johto määrittelee Syyrian sodan Assadin perheen ja Syyrian kansan väliseksi vastakkainasetteluksi. Tätä vastakkainasettelua korostaessaan Yhdysvaltojen johdon strateginen kertomus pyrkii myös sulkemaan Ghoutan kemiallisesta iskusta syytetyn yksittäisen pahan "tyrannin", presidentti Bashar al-Assadin ihmisyyden ulkopuolelle. Lisäksi tutkimus käsittelee Yhdysvaltojen johdon strategista kertomusta myös strategisena kiistakysymyskertomuksena. Tässä kiistakysymyskertomuksessa Yhdysvallat pyrkii rajaamaan sotilaallisen väliintulonsa kemiallisen iskun edellyttämäksi vastatoimeksi, jolla pyritään ensisijaisesti kemiallisia aseita käyttäneen Assadin hallinnon rankaisemiseen. Yhdysvaltojen johto myöntää iskun vaikuttavan myös Syyrian sodan voimasuhteisiin, mutta pyrkii samalla pitämään iskun erillään konfliktin laajemmasta dynamiikasta ja Syyrian maltillisen opposition tukemisesta sekä samalla niistä sodan kulkuun vaikuttavista aineellisista seikoista, joiden vaikutus saattaisi olla Yhdysvaltojen väliintulon ja maailmanpoliittisen aseman kannalta kielteinen. Tutkimuksessa tällaisiksi aineellisiksi seikoiksi esitetään Syyrian konfliktin hallinnoimisen Yhdysvalloilta edellyttämät aineelliset voimavarat ja Syyrian konfliktin geopoliittisen dynamiikan tosiasiallinen moniulotteisuus ja viimekätinen hallitsemattomuus.
  • Mattlin, Mikael (2008)
    This dissertation tackles an under-researched area of democratic transitions—the empirical study of intensely politicised transitional societies. Taiwan’s gradual process of democratisation has been celebrated as one of the most successful cases of political transformation, due to an initially smooth political transition from one-party authoritarianism to multi-party politics. Yet, the protracted and unfinished nature of this transition has highlighted persistent intense politicisation of society (structural politicisation). The dissertation argues that this politicisation stems from the interplay of five structural features: 1) an incremental political transition from a one-party system that left old political cleavages intact, 2) strong vested interests in the patronage state created during one-party rule, 3) a constitution that enables a power split, 4) Taiwan’s geopolitical tornness, described as “asymmetric integration”, and 5) a social structure that facilitates political mobilisation, summarised as “nested pyramid structures”. The dissertation explores four dimensions of structural politicisation: the reach of the state, the boundaries of the political, partisan bifurcation and confrontational politics. During one-party rule, the party-state’s reach into society was deep. A political cleavage was maintained by the state’s granting of discriminatory privileges and benefits to regime loyalists. This legacy was not discontinued by political liberalisation but it was challenged by the first power transition after the 2000 presidential election, when a struggle for control of the political system erupted. Dismantling the old system would involve a substantial redistribution of power and benefits and a redefinition of the state itself, with major symbolic and material consequences. Political parties play on the strong emotions aroused by this. They regularly mobilise people to participate in confrontational political mass action, effective due to the patron-client legacy and strong particularistic social networks. As a result, Taiwan has seen a political overflow. The political struggle has not remained confined to the formal sphere of political institutions, but has also colonised other areas of society. Extreme politicisation is the main internal threat to the sustainability of Taiwan’s democratic politics. This dissertation addresses the problems of protracted democratic transitions that occur with an incompletely dismantled one-party state. It argues that institutional flaws are not enough to explain the shortcomings of Taiwan’s democratic politics. When the dominant party does not collapse following political liberalisation, the transition from a one-party system contains within itself the seeds of structural politicisation.
  • Erkkilä, Tero (Politiikan ja talouden tutkimuksen laitos, 2010)
    The study explores new ideational changes in the information strategy of the Finnish state between 1998 and 2007, after a juncture in Finnish governing in the early 1990s. The study scrutinizes the economic reframing of institutional openness in Finland that comes with significant and often unintended institutional consequences of transparency. Most notably, the constitutional principle of publicity (julkisuusperiaate), a Nordic institutional peculiarity allowing public access to state information, is now becoming an instrument of economic performance and accountability through results. Finland has a long institutional history in the publicity of government information, acknowledged by law since 1951. Nevertheless, access to government information became a policy concern in the mid-1990s, involving a historical narrative of openness as a Nordic tradition of Finnish governing Nordic openness (pohjoismainen avoimuus). International interest in transparency of governance has also marked an opening for institutional re-descriptions in Nordic context. The essential added value, or contradictory term, that transparency has on the Finnish conceptualisation of governing is the innovation that public acts of governing can be economically efficient. This is most apparent in the new attempts at providing standardised information on government and expressing it in numbers. In Finland, the publicity of government information has been a concept of democratic connotations, but new internationally diffusing ideas of performance and national economic competitiveness are discussed under the notion of transparency and its peer concepts openness and public (sector) information, which are also newcomers to Finnish vocabulary of governing. The above concepts often conflict with one another, paving the way to unintended consequences for the reforms conducted in their name. Moreover, the study argues that the policy concerns over openness and public sector information are linked to the new drive for transparency. Drawing on theories of new institutionalism, political economy, and conceptual history, the study argues for a reinvention of Nordic openness in two senses. First, in referring to institutional history, the policy discourse of Nordic openness discovers an administrative tradition in response to new dilemmas of public governance. Moreover, this normatively appealing discourse also legitimizes the new ideational changes. Second, a former mechanism of democratic accountability is being reframed with market and performance ideas, mostly originating from the sphere of transnational governance and governance indices. Mobilizing different research techniques and data (public documents of the Finnish government and international organizations, some 30 interviews of Finnish civil servants, and statistical time series), the study asks how the above ideational changes have been possible, pointing to the importance of nationalistically appealing historical narratives and normative concepts of governing. Concerning institutional developments, the study analyses the ideational changes in central steering mechanisms (political, normative and financial steering) and the introduction of budget transparency and performance management in two cases: census data (Population Register Centre) and foreign political information (Ministry for Foreign Affairs). The new policy domain of governance indices is also explored as a type of transparency. The study further asks what institutional transformations are to be observed in the above cases and in the accountability system. The study concludes that while the information rights of citizens have been reinforced and recalibrated during the period under scrutiny, there has also been a conversion of institutional practices towards economic performance. As the discourse of Nordic openness has been rather unquestioned, the new internationally circulating ideas of transparency and the knowledge economy have entered this discourse without public notice. Since the mid 1990s, state registry data has been perceived as an exploitable economic resource in Finland and in the EU public sector information. This is a parallel development to the new drive for budget transparency in organisations as vital to the state as the Population Register Centre, which has led to marketization of census data in Finland, an international exceptionality. In the Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the post-Cold War rhetorical shift from secrecy to performance-driven openness marked a conversion in institutional practices that now see information services with high regards. But this has not necessarily led to the increased publicity of foreign political information. In this context, openness is also defined as sharing information with select actors, as a trust based non-public activity, deemed necessary amid the global economic competition. Regarding accountability system, deliberation and performance now overlap, making it increasingly difficult to identify to whom and for what the public administration is accountable. These evolving institutional practices are characterised by unintended consequences and paradoxes. History is a paradoxical component in the above institutional change, as long-term institutional developments now justify short-term reforms.
  • Saari, Milja; Koskinen Sandberg, Paula (2017)
    Tässä artikkelissa esitämme samapalkkaisuuden politiikan käsitteen määritelmän ja perustelemme tarpeen nykyistä monitieteisemmälle lähestymistavalle sukupuolten palkkatasa-arvon tutkimukseen. Samapalkkaisuuden politiikka tarkoittaa sitä, että palkkaus tunnistetaan osaksi sukupuolistuneita valtajärjestyksiä ja että kyseenalaistetaan itsestäänselvyyksinä pidettyjä selityksiä palkan määräytymisen perusteista ja sukupuolten välisestä työnjaosta. Kun samapalkkaisuutta analysoidaan poliittisena kysymyksenä, on helpompi ymmärtää sitä, miksi samapalkkaisuus tutkimusteemana ja yhteiskunnallisessa keskustelussa tulee kiistetyksi ja kiistellyksi ja miksi samapalkkaisuuden toteuttaminen on niin vaikeaa.
  • Vento, Isak (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    Public policy is increasingly implemented with projects. The projects serve as policy instruments in governance systems, which aim for efficient and democratic governing of the contemporary liberal democratic societies with divergent mechanisms. The temporary project has been assumed to enhance policy implementation within a governance system by rendering timely cooperation and interventions possible and provide autonomy to experiment and learn. However, the temporality of projects can increase uncertainty and the project logic of action may clash with other logics of action and result in misunderstanding or disagreement. Despite the importance of new organizational forms for public governance, the effects of project organization on governance mechanisms has so far been insufficiently studied. To what extent do the temporality and action logic of projects actually contribute to or counteract the divergent governance mechanisms for effective and democratic public governance? This dissertation argues that the lack of governance analysis of project organization stretches to a more fundamental shortage of theorizing project-based implementation from a governance perspective. As such, projects have been mostly perceived as administrative questions rather than as challenges for putting public policy into practice within a governance system. Governance systems are known to elude the conventional conception of the policy process as a cycle of sequential stages from planning to decision-making and implementation. This thesis applies the Multiple Governance Framework (MGF) to the analysis of project-based policy implementation. In distinction to other theoretical frameworks of the policy process, it is developed for theorizing the policy process from a governance perspective with focus on implementation. The dissertation has a twofold analytical agenda. Firstly, the dissertation theorizes the potential effects of project organization on governance mechanisms. The organizational characteristics distinguishing projects from other organizations are identified based on project organization theory and research. The governance mechanisms with collaboration, quasi-markets and trust as their core are then distinguished based on the collaborative governance, metagovernance and interactive governance theories. By discussing the project organization in relation to the governance mechanisms, the hypothetical effects are outlined. Secondly, the dissertation analyzes empirically the effects of project organization on the governance mechanism. The findings are discussed in relation to the governing of implementation outlined by the MGF to analyze how the agents with divergent mechanisms are assigned different types of action in public governance. The object of study is the European Union’s regional policy, the Cohesion policy, and its 2007-2013 program in Finland. As an early adopter of project-based implementation and one of the world’s largest policies with an intrinsic transformative agenda, the Cohesion policy offers an exemplary case for the study of public governance with a projectified policy. Applying a mixed methods approach, combining research articles with cross-sectional analysis of register and survey data and research articles with qualitative case studies, this article-based compilation dissertation provides extensive empirical evidence of governance challenges arising from project organization. The dissertation identifies the key governance agents and activities of public project organization, such as public managers with discretion over project funding and project managers managing the various phases of the project. The dissertation also theorizes the potential effects of project organization on the governance mechanisms put forth by collaborative governance, metagovernance and interactive governance theories. As a result of empirically testing the assumptions, the study shows that there is both a transformative and a redistributive rationale in the Cohesion policy, indicating project-based policies may be driven by several rationales that potentially generate divergent goals for projects. The putatively flexible project organization entails bureaucracy by requiring funding applications and reports. However, the extent to which bureaucracy is perceived as red tape is found to be affected by individual professional experience. The project organization requires public managers to collaborate but presents a potential problem with its logic of action that is at odds with the logic of the public administration. Public managers are found to increase the gains from the involvement of different agents on the condition that the project manager is receptive to the logic of the public administration. Finally, the temporary organization is found to increase the uncertainty of the metagovernance mechanism without capitalizing on the autonomy. The project provides, however, a responsive outset for interpersonal trust to be formed through dynamic interaction between the public official and project manager. The trust enables the project to preserve its autonomy while providing the public administration scrutiny over the project. The dissertation shows that the theories of collaborative governance, metagovernance and interactive governance should take into account the uncertainty generated by the temporality of project organization and the potential disjunction of logics between involved agents. With the right governance mechanisms, the project organization can provide an added value to an effective and democratic public governance. The MGF is, contrary to its promises, uninformative regarding the structuring of governance mechanisms and assignment of roles to agents in public governance. However, by theorizing the project-based implementation from a governance perspective, the MGF assists in analyzing how non-state agents unintendedly can act with tasks that overreach their formal mandate in a fluid and complex governance system.
  • Myllymaa, Antti (2017)
    This dissertation addresses the tripartite question concerning the relationship between a globalizing capitalist market economy, a territorial states system and a supranational European Union. Specifically, this study explains how different societal actors approach the question of the vertical division of competences between the supranational EU institutions and the Member States while juxtaposing this in the pursuit of desired models of socio-economic regulation. Whereas previous studies have paid attention to issues concerning the form of integration, this study seeks to contribute to more nuanced discussions concerning federalism by focusing on issues of content. It also challenges the view that economic globalization is an exogenous development arguing that what is understood as economic globalization can in fact be traced back to specific national policies that are enacted in order to facilitate the state s international competitiveness, thus making economic globalization an endogenous process. The empirical part of this dissertation addresses the emergence of a cross-border online gambling market in Europe. Although such a de facto market exists, its existence has not been recognized de jure by the European Union. This untenable situation results from EU Member States having diametrically opposing views concerning the legality of this market. In order to explain this development, this study takes a step back and asks how the cross-border online gambling market emerged in Europe. This study employs the process-tracing method in order to identify critical turning points that were necessary for the emergence of this market. It is argued that it was the neoliberal export-oriented competitiveness policies of the Malta and Gibraltar tax havens, enacted following the suggestions of the cross-border online gambling industry, which was a necessary condition for the emergence of the de facto market. The cross-border online gambling operators incorporation in Malta and Gibraltar guaranteed these operators access to the Single Market as they were protected by the fundamental freedoms enshrined in the EU Treaties. The successful business operations subsequently enabled interest representation for these operators and the ability to challenge the protectionist gambling regimes of Member States by making complaints to the EU Commission. As the Guardian of the Treaty, the EU Commission launched infringement proceedings against over a dozen Member States. Partially as a result of these infringement proceedings many Member States have opted for what is called controlled liberalization , thus allowing gambling to be organized for private profit. This nudges the socio-economic regulation of gambling towards neoliberalism. Several contrarian EU Member States, including Finland, are still strongly protectionist thus displaying their commitment to social democratic socio-economic regulation and have decided to fight the liberalization trend that has become prevalent in the field of gambling services. They have resisted the EU Commission s attempts to bring gambling into the Single Market program de jure. Gambling has been omitted from the EU s binding secondary legislation because of the resistance displayed by these protectionist Member States. This resistance has included bringing gambling issues to the EU Council, the EU s multilateral forum, so as to produce non-liberalizing EU level initiatives and regulation of gambling services. It is telling that those Member States, primarily Malta and the UK, who have championed the Single Market perspective for gambling, have fought against such developments. This study confirms the support of neoliberal societal actors for so-called negative EU integration, i.e., the dismantling of national barriers. The novelty of this study is to contribute to recent theoretical discussions by confirming, as these recent discussions have suggested, that following the transnationalization of business activities, social democratic societal actors would not only resist negative integration, but also work towards social democratic multilateralism, i.e., a specific form of so-called positive integration. This has been true in gambling services as was described above. However, this study also confirms the EU s bias towards negative integration, finding that the individual Member States policy space in regulating gambling services is being diminished due to the EU s fundamental freedoms and the EU Court s judge-made law. The protectionist Member States have had to resort to organized hypocrisy in order to protect the de facto socialized or nationalized means of production of gambling services in order to thwart the liberalization trend. Although the reasons for protection are in reality mostly financial, the EU Court and the EU Commission only accepts non-financial overriding public interest reasons for protection. As the stated reasons for protection of protectionist Member States are in fact hypocritical, this study finds that, although there are several potential futures, the most likely future scenario will be the slow neoliberalization of gambling services in the European Union with the sector s de jure inclusion in the Single Market program as the end result.
  • Janhonen, Minna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2010)
    Knowledge-sharing in a teamwork The study examines the link between knowledge-sharing that takes place in a team and the dimensions and objectives of the team s activities. The question the study poses is: How does knowledge-sharing in a team relate to the team s activities? The exchange of knowledge is examined using knowledge-sharing networks and the conversion model, which describes the process of knowledge formation. The answer to the question is sought through four empirical articles describing the activities of a team from the viewpoint of quality, fairness, power related to knowledge management, and performance. One of the articles used in the study describes the role of networks in work life more generally. It attempts to shed light on the manner in which team-related networks operate as part of a more extensive structure of organizational networks. Finland is one of the most eager users of teamwork, if numbers are used as a yardstick. About half of all Finnish wage earners worked in teams in 2009, and comparisons show that the use of teams in Finland is above the EU average. This study focuses on so-called semi-autonomous teams, which carry out permanent work tasks. In such teams, tasks are interdependent, and teams are jointly responsible for ensuring that the work is done. Team members may also, at least to some extent, agree between themselves on how the tasks are carried out and are able to take part in the decision-making process. Such teamwork makes knowledge-sharing an important element for the team s activities. Knowledge and knowledge-sharing have become a major resource, allowing organizations to operate and even compete in today s increasingly competitive markets. A single team or a single organization cannot, however, possess all the knowledge required for carrying out the tasks assigned to it. Although it is difficult to copy the knowledge generated in an organization, it is important to share the knowledge within and between organizations. External links supply teams and organizations with important knowledge that allows them to keep their operations up-to-date and their structures well-functioning. In fact, knowledge provides teams and organizations with an intangible resource that improves their capacity to interact with their environment and to adjust to it. For this reason, it is important to examine both the internal and external knowledge-sharing taking place in a team. The findings of the study show that in terms of quality, fairness, performance and the knowledge management issues concerning a team, its social network structure is both internally and externally connected with its activities. A team structure that is internally coherent and at the same time open to external contacts, is, with certain restrictions, connected with the quality, fairness, and performance of the team. The restrictions concern differences between procedural and interactional justice, public and private sectors, and the team leaders and ordinary team members. The role of the team leader is closely connected with the management of networks that are considered valuable. The results of the study indicate that teamwork is supervisor-dominated. Thus, teamwork does not substantially strengthen the influence of individual employees as players in knowledge-transfer networks. However, ordinary team members possess important peer contacts inside the organization. Teamwork clearly allows employees to interact in a democratic manner, and here the transfer of tacit knowledge plays an important role. Keywords: teamwork, knowledge-sharing, social networks, organization
  • Paukkunen, Sini (2007)
    This thesis examines the right to self-determination which is a norm used for numerous purposes by multiple actors in the field of international relations, with relatively little clarity or agreement on the actual and potential meaning of the right. In international practice, however, the main focus in applying the right has been in the context of decolonization as set by the United Nations in its early decades. Thus, in Africa the right to self-determination has traditionally implied that the colonial territories, and particularly the populations within these territories, were to constitute the people who were entitled to the right. That is, self-determination by decolonization provided a framework for the construction of independent nation-states in Africa whilst other dimensions of the right remained largely or totally neglected. With the objective of assessing the scope, content, developments and interpretations of the right to self-determination in Africa, particularly with regard to the relevance of the right today, the thesis proceeds on two fundamental hypotheses. The first is that Mervyn Frost s theory of settled norms, among which he lists the right to self-determination, assumes too much. Even if the right to self-determination is a human right belonging to all peoples stipulated, inter alia, in the first Article of the 1966 International Human Rights Covenants, it is a highly politicized and context-bound right instead of being settled and observed in a way that its denial would need special justification. Still, the suggested inconsistency or non-compliance with the norm of self-determination is not intended to prove the uselessness or inappropriateness of the norm, but, on the contrary, to invite and encourage debate on the potential use and coverage of the right to self-determination. The second hypothesis is that within the concept of self-determination there are two normative dimensions. One is to do with the idea and practice of statehood, the nation and collectivity that may decide to conduct itself as an independent state. The other one is to do with self-determination as a human right, as a normative condition, to be enjoyed by people and peoples within states that supersedes state authority. These external and internal dimensions need to be seen as complementary and co-terminous, not as mutually exclusive alternatives. The thesis proceeds on the assumption that the internal dimension of the right, with human rights and democracy at its core, has not been considered as important as the external. In turn, this unbalanced and selective interpretation has managed to put the true normative purpose of the right making the world better and bringing more just polity models into a somewhat peculiar light. The right to self-determination in the African context is assessed through case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea. The study asks what these cases say about the right to self-determination in Africa and what their lessons learnt could contribute to the understanding and relevance of the right in today s Africa. The study demonstrates that even in the context of decolonization, the application of the right to self-determination has been far from the consistent approach supposedly followed by the international community: in many respects similar colonial histories have easily led to rather different destinies. While Eritrea secured internationally recognized right to self-determination in the form of retroactive independence in 1993, international recognition of distinct Western Sahara and Southern Sudan entities is contingent on complex and problematic conditions being satisfied. Overall, it is a considerable challenge for international legality to meet empirical political reality in a meaningful way, so that the universal values attached to the norm of self-determination are not overlooked or compromised but rather reinforced in the process of implementing the right. Consequently, this thesis seeks a more comprehensive understanding of the right to self-determination with particular reference to post-colonial Africa and with an emphasis on the internal, human rights and democracy dimensions of the norm. It is considered that the right to self-determination cannot be perceived only as an inter-state issue as it is also very much an intra-state issue, including the possibility of different sub-state arrangements exercised under the right, for example, in the form of autonomy. At the same time, the option of independent statehood achieved through secession remains a mode of exercising and part of the right to self-determination. But in whatever form or way applied, the right to self-determination, as a normative instrument, should constitute and work as a norm that comprehensively brings more added value in terms of the objectives of human rights and democracy. From a normative perspective, a peoples right should not be allowed to transform and convert itself into a right of states. Finally, in light of the case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea, the thesis suggests that our understanding of the right to self-determination should now reach beyond the post-colonial context in Africa. It appears that both the questions and answers to the most pertinent issues of self-determination in the cases studied must be increasingly sought within the postcolonial African state rather than solely in colonial history. In this vein, the right to self-determination can be seen not only as a tool for creating states but also as a way to transform the state itself from within. Any such genuinely post-colonial approach may imply a judicious reconsideration, adaptation or up-dating of the right and our understanding of it in order to render it meaningful in Africa today.
  • Heikkinen, Merja (Taiteen keskustoimikunta, 2007)
    The dissertation studies state support for artists in the context of the societal process of producing definitions of the artist. It examines the dimensions of and conditions for the power of definition inherent in the Nordic model of artists' support. The dissertation consists of a summary in Finnish and five articles published in English. The theoretical framework is based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the fields of cultural production and the concept of artistic classification systems introduced by Paul DiMaggio. The framework also makes use of the analyses by Per Mangset and Dag Solhjell of the relationship between Norwegian artistic fields and the state policy of supporting art. The study assumes that an examination of the formulation and content of the policy of support is insufficient, and extends the analysis to the implementation of the policy both at the level of the structures of decision making and at the level of actual decisions and their impacts. The analysis of the economic dimension of the definition power of artists' support uses register-based data on artists' financial situation. Survey data is used in studying the attitudes of Finnish artists toward state support for artists. The analysis of the Nordic policy of supporting artists uses data based on documents and interviews concerning the formulation and implementation of the policy in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. The cross-country comparison contributes to identifying the specific features of the Finnish policy of supporting artists from the point of view of its potential power of definition. The study concludes that the legitimating arguments, goals and means of the policy of supporting artists, as well as the structures and actions of the bodies implementing the policy, have an impact on the formulation of definitions of the artist. For example, a relevant factor in this context seems to be the way in which the relationship between various fields of art and the system of support is organized. According to the comparative analysis, the greater the correspondence between the administrative structures of decision making and the organizational structure of artistic fields, the greater the resistance to change regarding the artistic categories produced. By contrast, those structures of decision making which require negotiations and compromises between various interests have produced artistic categories that have been more inclined to change. The development of the Finnish system of artists' support over the past few decades can be described as a slow expansion towards new areas of art. However, the demarcations and hierarchies between various fields of art have not lost their significance, and state support for artists still concentrates on the same areas as it did when the policy of supporting artists was established. State support always contains an element of power. According to the study, the Nordic policy of supporting artists has both the material and symbolic power to participate in the production of societal definitions of the artist. The legitimating arguments, goals and means of the Finnish artists' support, as well as the criteria for granting it, strengthen the symbolic dimension of this power also in terms of the symbolic capital valued by the artistic fields. In this sense, it can be said that the state is one of the actors in the Finnish fields of art. The symbolic dimension of the definition power of artists' support is, however, in the last instance derived from the artistic fields, and reinforces on its part the definition power of these fields.
  • Ihatsu, Jan (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    Tutkielman tarkoituksena on selvittää hallinnon ja organisaatioiden tutkimuksessa tutkittujen julkishallinnon koordinaatiota käsittelevien mekanismien toteutumista Suomessa. Tutkimuksen lähestymistapa on uusinstitutionalistinen ja valtioneuvoston ydintä tarkastellaan instituutiona, jonka tehtäviin kuuluu politiikan ja hallinnon koordinointi. Hallinnon koordinaatiomekanismeja tarkastellaan suhteessa Suomen valtioneuvoston ytimeen. Tavoitteena on esittää koordinaatiomekanismien kehitys Suomessa Kataisen, Stubbin, Sipilän ja Rinteen hallituskausilla vuosina 2011–2019. Lisäksi tarkastellaan koordinaatiomekanismien suhdetta hallitusohjelman toteutumiseen, tavoitteena havaita onko jollain mekanismilla yhteys korkeampaan toteutumisasteeseen. Tutkielman aineistona toimivat hallitusohjelmat, hallitusohjelmien toimeenpanosuunnitelmat ja hallituskausien loppuraportit ja -arviot. Menetelmänä käytettiin analyysitriangulaatiota, jossa yhdistettiin laadullista sisällönanalyysia kvantitatiivisiin menetelmiin. Analyysitriangulaatiolla pyrittiin lisäämään tutkimuksen validiteettia sekä vastaamaan tutkimusongelmaan, joka oli ”Millä keinoin ja missä laajuudessa valtioneuvoston ydin koordinoi valtioneuvoston toimintaa Kataisen, Sipilän ja Rinteen hallitusten aikana?” Tutkimuksen keskeisinä tuloksina havaittiin, että valtioneuvoston ytimen koordinaatiotyökalujen käytössä on eroa hallituskausittain, mutta koordinaatiomekanismien käytössä on havaittavissa yhtenäinen trendi hierarkkisten ja verkostomaisten koordinaatiomekanismin käytön suhteen. Koordinaation laajuus toimenpiteiden tasolla on vähentynyt ja koordinaatiovastuu on siirtynyt hallinnon hierarkiassa ylemmäs, strategiselle ja poliittiselle tasolle eli lähemmäs valtioneuvoston ydintä ja kauemmas sektoriministeriöiden itsenäisestä päätösvallasta. Strategisen hallitusohjelman käyttöönotto on vähentänyt hallitusohjelmien seurattavien toimenpiteiden määrää ja koonnut tavoitteita kokonaisuuksiksi. Lisäksi hallitusohjelman seurannan kriteereitä voidaan tämän tutkielman perusteella pitää epäyhtenäisinä eikä vakiintunutta raportointi- ja arviointimenettelyä ole otettu käyttöön. Keskeisinä johtopäätöksinä todetaan, että valtioneuvoston ytimellä on merkittävä määrä valtaa hallitusohjelman tavoitteiden määrittämisessä ja koordinaatiossa. Valtioneuvoston ytimen poliittisen edustuksen valta on kasvanut osittain hallinnollisen edustuksen vallan vähentyessä. Hallitusohjelman toteuttamisen koordinaatioon liittyvät konfliktien ratkaisut ja sovittelut ovat entistä enemmän poliittisten edustajien ratkaistavia, sektoriministeriöiden keskittyessä toimeenpanoon omalla sektorillaan. Tätä voidaan pitää ratkaisuna ministeriöiden keskinäisiin konfliktitilanteisiin, jossa valtasuhteet voisivat muuten olla epäselviä. Valtioneuvoston ydin näyttäytyy tämän tutkimuksen perusteella vakiintuneena instituutiona, joka koordinoi hallitusohjelman toteutumista entistä voimakkaammassa poliittisessa ohjauksessa.
  • Ruutu, Katja (Kikimora Publications, 2006)
    Constitutional politics in Russia, a conceptual history study of the constitutional rhetoric in the 20th century In April 2006 the Russian Constitution had its 100th anniversary. Following its late start, five constitutions have been adopted. The great number of constitutions is partly explained in my work by the fact that Russia s political system has changed many times, from one state system to another. From a monarchical state power, it changed first, with the October revolution, into the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, and after that, in 1924, into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In 1991, the Russian Federation was established. The great number of constitutions can also be explained by the fact that in a one-party system, constitutional concepts became one of the most important instruments for introducing political programmes. When the political unity of the state was not only restricted by the Constitution, but also by the party ideology, the political debates concerning constitutional concepts were the key discussions for all the reformative pursuits of Soviet politics. It can be said that, in the Soviet Union, almost all political discourses dealt with constitutional concepts. In the context of restricted unity, the constitutional concepts were the most important tools to argue and create a basis for a new presentation and new political programmes. Thus, the basic feature of the Soviet political discourses has been a continuous competition regarding the constitutional concepts. By defining the constitutional concepts, a new, the political elites wanted especially to redefine, their own way, the traditional meanings of the October 1917 Revolution, and to differentiate them from those of the preceding period of power. From a methodological point of view, I argue that the Russian constitutional concepts make a conceptual historical approach very suitable, and change the focus on history. This approach studies history in contemporary contexts which follow after each other, and whose texts are the main research target. The picture of history is created through the interpretation of the original sources of contemporary contexts. Focusing on the dynamic and traditional characteristic of Russian constitutional concepts, I refer to a certain kind of value and the task of these concepts to justify and define the political and societal unity in every situation. This is done by combining the pursued future orientation of constitutional unity with the new acts of preservation of the traditional principles of the revolution. The different time layers of the constitutional concepts, the past, the present and the future, are the key aspects of storytelling in justifying the continuity and redefining the constitutional unity for the sake of reform. These aspects of constitutional concepts, in addition to all the other functions, have been the main elements of the argumentative structure of acting against opponents.
  • Koskinen, Heli I. (Helsingin yliopisto, 2019)
    The task of environmental health care is to ensure the safety of the living environment. Infectious diseases dangerous to health are not present in a safe living environment. Several authorities of different administrative sectors from all levels of government are involved in preventing and resisting infectious diseases. Often, cooperation between these different authorities is also needed. Cooperation between authorities is governed by several national laws and supplementary regulations, so cooperation between authorities must be considered in the discursive reality created by the statutory texts. Review of the reality created by the statutory text is particularly important in the context of regional government reform when the statutory tasks of environmental health care are transferred from municipalities to provinces. In the reform, many laws change and some are even abolished. It is reflected in the activities of the authorities in a way that is as yet unknown. At this stage, it is only known that the notification practices between municipal veterinarian and regional state administrative agency’s provincial veterinarian regulated by the laws currently in force will change with the abolition of regional state administrative agencies when anyone suspecting an animal disease or observing such notifies about the suspicions or observation directly to the province instead of a municipal veterinarian. The strategic level of legislation on environmental health care and the practical activity level of authorities form two interrelated activity levels which, however, deviate from each other. This study observed the cooperation between authorities from the point of view of legislation and a situation requiring practical activity. The aim was to study the way in which the reality of cooperation between authorities is manifested in the discourses of previous and current laws regulating environmental health care and what kind of cooperation and communication between authorities is in practice in the field of animal disease control and resistance. As laws were chosen both Finnish national laws (the state’s internal cooperation between authorities) and Russian animal disease and foodstuffs legislation (cooperation between authorities of the states). A case study of cooperation between authorities was carried out in connection with intensive surveillance situations of pet imports. The study was conducted in the framework of social constructionism, in which the language and the meanings generated by it play a central role, but the study also observed the symbolic meanings generated by the images. The research material was a collection of legislative and law proposal text dealing with cooperation between authorities and regulations, instructions, circulars and decisions related to the law, the observation logs produced in the observation of the cooperation between authorities, and the freely available image material on the Internet taken from cooperation situations between authorities. The analysis was based on the qualitative analysis of the texts formed by the language and image material. As an aid to the analysis, the question-answer technique, verb analysis and personal relationship analysis were used, complementing the principles of hermeneutics. The cooperation between the authorities was communication between the authorities either in the chain from lower to upper or back and forth between two authorities. The legal texts answered to who notifies and who shall be notified types of questions. The position and status of the Finnish authorities and the resulting responsibilities and powers were clearly defined in the statutory text. The Russian statutory text also included recommendations concerning cooperation. The Act and the Regulation text were used to make sure that the authorities of both countries knew what to notify and how quickly to notify. Active and mandatory verbs dominated the two countries' statutory discourse. In import control cases, the authorities had more room for discretion to form communication chain reactions appropriate for the situation without separately agreeing on them with other authorities, and the cooperation between authorities was tightened around some authorities. The cooperation between the authorities was also tightened around the target of inspection, i.e. the dog to be imported. In the cooperation situation, adaptation to the prevailing situation was made and, therefore, intermittent exclusion from the center of the most active activity was experienced. Cooperation between the authorities is, according to the situation, a live, dynamic activity open to various interpretations, which should continue to form more coherent practices. This would be particularly important now in the change phase of administration. In their background Finnish authorities have a common language and culture and, in particular, the common symbols provided by culture, which may have surprisingly profound meaning in times of change. Above all, it should be remembered that cooperation between authorities is not merely a linguistic activity between human beings, which is intensified around some authorities and personified in some specific person, but an authority in interaction is in a nonverbal and symbolic interaction also with the wider physical environment.