This study analyzed aspects of the work of clinical neuropsychologists across Europe. There are no published comparisons between European countries regarding the nature of clinical neuropsychologists' work. Forty-one national psychological and neuropsychological societies were approached, of which 31 (76%) responded. Data from seven countries with less than 10 neuropsychologists were excluded. A license is required to practice clinical neuropsychology in 50% of the countries. Clinical neuropsychologists work independently in 62.5%. Diagnostic/assessment work is the most frequently reported activity (54%). Most neuropsychologists work in public hospitals, followed by health centers. Adult neuropsychology was the most frequent area of activity. Services in public institutions are covered by public entities (45.8%), or by a combination of patient funds and public entities (29.2%) and only 4.2% by the patient; whereas services in private institutions are covered by the patient (26.1%) and the combination of patient, public entities (21.7%) or patient and private entities (17.4%). The data suggest that the number of neuropsychologists working across European countries is considerably low in comparison to other medical professionals. The results of the survey identified similar aspects of neuropsychologists' work, despite variations in terms of reimbursement and mechanisms, reflecting economic and healthcare differences. Estimates on the number of clinical neuropsychologists suggest insufficient access to neuropsychological services.

This thesis investigated work-related well-being from seven rarely studied angles, e.g., the role of negative life events and pre-employment resource losses, and work engagement were explored. The data sets were a three-wave 35-year follow-up questionnaire data (N = 532), a questionnaire data based on the staff of a large educational organization (N = 3365), and qualitative interviews of the 22 most burned out participants in the 35-year prospective study. The main results of the study were: 1) Adverse socio-economic and individual conditions in childhood were negatively associated with educational achievements, which in turn exposed to jobs with less resources, and hence, led to burnout symptoms and furthermore to poor health and increased intentions of early retirement. 2) The instability of the work career during 13 years of follow-up was positively associated with burnout and negatively with life satisfaction. 3) The role of negative life events, family-to-work conflict and personality factors (strong sense of responsibility and sense of coherence) in the burnout process was small compared with the role of working conditions and work-to-family conflict. 4) however, work and non-work stressors, as well as work and personality factors had some joint effects on burnout and life satisfaction. 5) Burnout could be interpreted in accordance with Hobfoll's conservation of resources (COR) theory as a loss spiral of resources, while at the same time the qualitative data analysis made it possible to refine some of the general assumptions of the COR theory. Strong initial motivation or enthusiasm seemed to be a prerequisite for burnout only in the case of some of the interviewed employees. 6) CFA confirmed the factorial validity of the Finnish version of the UWES. Work engagement was positively related to health, work ability, and job satisfaction, and negatively to intentions of quitting one's job and early retirement. Women, those with fixed-term work contracts, those with less than 5 years or more than 30 years' tenure in the present job, as well as those with long working hours, were more engaged than their counterparts. 7) the hypothesized Job Demands - Resources model was partly supported.