Browsing by Subject "yleinen valtio-oppi"

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  • Hoppania, Hanna-Kaisa (Helsingin yliopisto, 2015)
    This dissertation investigates the politics of care. Providing care, particularly for the elderly, is becoming a major problem in many European countries. Dependency ratios are weakening while resources for the welfare state appear to be limited in the prevailing economic conditions. In this research I analyze how this situation was acknowledged and addressed in Finland through the Act on Care Services for Older People (Act on Supporting the Functional Capacity of the Older Population and on Social and Health Care Services for Older Persons [980/2012]) which came into force in 2013. The research explores the subtext and roots of the issue, and examines why the law turned out the way it did by analyzing the processes whereby the Act was initiated, drafted and finally passed. It considers how care and the problems around it were represented in the political process following media scandals which highlighted serious problems regarding the quality of elder care. This case study is situated in its wider historical context, and the nature of the subject matter itself care is investigated to illuminate what is at stake in the reforms of elder care service provision. I argue that this reform project, and the situation it stemmed from, presented a moment of political openness to debate, and an opportunity to transform the societal commitments regarding elder care. This potential however was lost. A problem which was largely about resource scarcity became one of regulation, thus limiting the issues on the political agenda and the scope of the legislation passed. A seemingly apolitical governance of care is becoming the key site in which power over care relations is exercised, effectively undermining democratic control of care policy. Theoretically and methodologically the research links Nancy Fraser s framework of recognition, redistribution and representation and Michel Foucault s concept of governmentality with a post-structuralist discourse approach. It also draws from multidisciplinary feminist care research. Through the deployment of this multidimensional perspective in the analysis of elder care politics in Finland, a discussion of care is brought into the discipline of politics where to date it has not received much attention. The complex character of care is moved from the somewhat abstract ethics of care literature into the specific question of how care is understood and managed in the political process. This research explains how an issue which appeared to have widespread societal support bypassed the central question of redistribution, preventing the Act from leading to any transformative changes in elder care. The nodal points of dwindling resources and the bureaucratic division of labour functioned to limit the scope of the law. The imprecise content of various floating signifiers, such as quality of care, meant that these were understood differently by the various actors involved in the process. Through the functioning of a logic of difference, alternative or challenging framings of the issue at hand were sidelined and contained during the process and within the Act. When finalized, the Act only led to an affirmation of existing levels of care provision albeit with new regulatory procedures. Symbolic recognition, procedural clarifications and preventative measures were emphasized at the expense of securing better resourcing. Despite a rhetorical commitment to welfare state principles across the political spectrum, in the background neoliberal policies were pushed ahead as the solution to the challenges of care. These programmes and schemes, however, rely on the maintenance and reproduction of unequal, gendered care relations.
  • Huotari, Risto (Helsingin yliopisto, 2013)
    The aim of my study is to suggest guidelines for collaborative ethical reflection in evaluation practice in multiactor networks, in which there is a need for cooperation in order to fit together multiple points of view, traditions, and interests; to resolve eventual conflicts in interactional context. In the first article I illustrated the complexity of composing framework that can ensure clear guidelines for ethical evaluation practice in specific contextual situations and in a complex operational environment with conflicting role expectations. For this purpose, I studied, applying philosophical analysis, (a) the discourse ethical perspective, which emphasizes the normative features of the use of language (Searle, Habermas); (b) Newman and Brown s heuristic model for ethical reflection in evaluation, which draws attention to a range of sources an evaluator may need to integrate to inform ethical decisions; and (c) a postmodern framework designed to serve as a description of the ethical perspectives for which an evaluator is morally responsible. The fourth article connects the findings of the first article to the argumentative perspective of evaluation. The results indicate that from speech acts it may be impossible either to logically derive moral duties or obligations to act, or to present idealising suppositions of such rules for dialogical situations as would ensure the production of universal norms for participants in a conversation. However, the argumentation process is fruitful especially when the participants can set mutual understanding as a goal and commit to aspiring to that goal although it will be impossible to reach it perfectly in practice. Neither using extensive principles nor reflecting on several theories can ensure a clear view of the situation. The ethics of evaluation is mostly concerned with balancing conflicting principles and values. Therefore, in ethical reflection, the focus should be on commitment to a certain reflective, professional way of life in which the identifying and acquiring professional virtues have an important role. In the second article, the perspective is extended by analyzing the dynamics of the development of cooperation in multiactor networks from the viewpoint of the third generation of activity theory, which gives a constructive perspective on how contradictions can be a driving force behind interorganizational learning and development. In the third article, this approach is applied in analyzing the results of a case study of the contradictory position of evaluators in situations where cooperational relationships and professional networks are close. This perspective is then extended by applying the postmodern model for ethical reflection discussed in the first article. From the activity theoretical perspective, the ethical issues reflect contradictions, which can be a starting point for development, if the actors can become collectively oriented in the analysis of a contradictory situation, and in the modeling, implementation, and examination of a new solution. In this endeavor, the multivoiced character of the network of interacting activity systems in the evaluation process needs to be taken into consideration. For example, the people involved in the evaluation process could create a collaborative forum in which different essential perspectives can be taken into account in order to solve ethical problems. In this kind of process, it is possible to apply the postmodern model for ethical reflection in order to obtain a shared construction of the essential operational principles and their balance in the evaluation process.
  • Kuokkanen, Kanerva (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    Since the 1990s, social scientists in Western countries have noticed a shift in policy-making towards networks and the involvement of civil society and market actors, usually referred to as governance. The governance approach has gone hand in hand with the development of more participatory and deliberative forms of action both in research and in the work of policy-makers and practitioners. Even though a number of scholars emphasise the participatory and deliberative potentials of governance and the role that elected politicians play in metagovernance , governance can still be seen as a risk to the basic principles and institutions of representative democracy. Further, governance research has seldom acknowledged that in practice, governance arrangements are often put into practice through projects and related fixed-term policy instruments and organisation forms. The main interest in this study is what happens to citizen participation when it is developed through projects. The research questions concern the relationship between projects and the broader framework of governance and metagovernance; the main issues in the development of participation in municipalities and especially in metropolitan governance; the role of participation itself when it becomes a development object; and the relationship between projects and the permanent municipal administration. This research addresses these themes through a case study, a project named Citizen Channel which aimed to find and test various forms of citizen participation in the Helsinki Metropolitan Area. The project was part of a multi-actor development programme, the Urban Programme for the Helsinki Metropolitan Area. Methodologically, this study belongs to a broader research tradition of interpretive policy analysis. By concentrating on three actor groups the high-level officials of the Urban Programme, the Citizen Channel project administration and the participants in the project this study aims to present a nuanced understanding of the development of participation through projects. From the perspective of governance and metagovernance, this study shows that strategic steering the most important form of metagovernance in the context of programmes and projects is a relatively loose framework that allows various interpretations of the leading strategies at project level. The Urban Programme and the Citizen Channel project brought together a variety of working logics, interests and actors. The Urban Programme was primarily centred on creating consensus and collaboration between the cities of the Helsinki Metropolitan Area, previously in competition with each other; the Citizen Channel project administration concentrated on the development of participation; and the neighbourhood association activists and librarians participating in the project emphasised concrete local issues and the creation of new networks. The main motivations for the development of participation at the municipal level are issues of local democracy, the residents experience-based knowledge, and the development of public administration, although actors working with the development of participation see a number of challenges. The main driver for metropolitan forms of participation which transcend municipal boundaries is the metropolitan dimension of everyday life for residents, which is independent of administrative borders. In the Helsinki Metropolitan Area, a specific problem in the development of metropolitan participation is the different administrative cultures and forms of resident participation within each municipality. The development of participation through projects can from a pessimistic perspective lead to the instrumentalisation of participation. A new group of professionals in participation has arisen, and participatory projects concentrate on creating generalizable and transferable models. For the participants in such projects, there is relatively little room for manoeuvre and little continuity after the project has ended. Moreover, projects may be a way to outsource the issue of participation to NGOs and projects so that it has no impact on the permanent organisations of municipal administration. From an optimistic perspective, the development of participation means new scope for NGOs and other local development actors that implement participatory projects and act as intermediary organisations between the public administration and the grassroots level and between short-term projects and long-term development work. Projects support the basic values of these actors and give them the opportunity to provide alternative ways of thinking in public administration and promote the issue of participation in it. Even though individual projects end, they lead to tacit results such as networks and new forms of action at the local level. Finally, even though the impact of individual projects may be limited, the metaproject formed by simultaneous and sequential projects can gradually effect an impact on the permanent administration. In general, the participatory turn of public administration has been intensifying at least until recently. At the same time, there has been a parallel development of citizen- and association-based initiatives, networks and new forms of action outside public institutions.
  • Lammi, Minna (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, Suomen elokuva-arkisto, 2006)
    The birth of the Modern Consumer Society in Finnish short films 1920-1969 The main subject of this research is Finnish short films in 1920-1969. These short films were produced by film studios for private enterprises, banks, advisory organizations, communities and the state. The evolution of short films on consumer affairs was greatly influenced by a special tax reduction system that was introduced in 1933 and lasted until 1964. The tax reduction system increased the production volumes of educational short films significantly. This study covers 342 Finnish short films, more than any other study in the field before this. The aim of this research is to examine how short films introduced Finns to modern consumer society. The cinemagoers were an excellent target group for different advisory groups as well as advertisers. Short films were used by organizations and private enterprises from very early on. In the 1920's Finns were still living in rural areas and agriculture was the dominant industry. Consumer society was still in its infancy, and the prevalent attitude to industrially produced goods was that of suspicion. From the cultural and ideological point of view the evolution of trust was one of the first steps towards the birth of the consumer society. Short films were an excellent means for helping to transform public attitudes. During the war period short films were an important means of propaganda. Short films were produced in abundance and shown for big audiences. They guided people how to survive shortages caused by the war. Even though the idea of rationalization was presented in short films somewhat in the 1920's and 1930's it became a national virtue during the war period. The idea of rationalization widened from the industry to households expecially in the late 1940's and the 1950's. New household apparati and the way in which daily chores were taken care of were presented not as luxury consumption but as a way of rationalization and saving money and effort. Banks and the advisory organizations guided the public to save their money for a specific target. Short films were use to help the public to acceps industrial goods and the notions of planning and saving. The ideological change from an agrarian society to consumer society was based on old acricultural ideas and self-sufficiency was evolved into rational and economizing consumerism. This made Finnish consumer society to value durable consumer goods and own homes. The public was also encouraged to consider their own decisions in the national context - especially after the second world war Finland laced capital, and personal savings were strongly presented as a way to help the whole nation. Modern hedonistic values were not dominant in Finland in the1950's and 1960's. Initial traces of modern hedonism can be seen in the films, but they were only marginal paths in the bigger.
  • Saarilahti, Ilkka (European Press Academic Publishing, 2013)
    This collection of studies analyses the various ways and means that the financial system of the European Union has at its disposal for handling the inevitable uncertainties of the future and traces their evolution since the creation of the general budget of the European Communities in 1968. Special attention is paid to the consequences of this evolution not only for the various actors involved namely the European Parliament, the Council, the Commission and Member States but also for the financial system of the European Union as a whole. The question of the uncertainty of the future is addressed in the light of the theory of Budgetary Flexibility , which posits an essential distinction between External Flexibility and Internal Flexibility, on the one hand, and Annual Flexibility and Multiannual Flexibility on the other. External Flexibility differs from Internal Flexibility in that, in the case of the former, more resources (or fewer, in the case of budget cuts) can be allocated in the course of the budgetary year. In the case of the latter, budget limits (frames) are maintained, i.e. a reallocation of resources during the financial year will not lead to the growth in the overall size of the budget. At the same time, Multiannual Flexibility differs from Annual Flexibility in that the former can be considered as an exception to the principle of budgetary annuality as set out by the EC and EU Treaties. The theory of Budgetary Flexibility allows to place under a common theoretical framework processes that are often considered separate (and treated in the academic literature as such), and also enables to analyse the pros and cons and the consequences of such flexibility, and to draw conclusions at the level of the European Union. The studies also develop further the theory, devised originally in the 1990s to analyse the budgetary systems of the Member States. The studies focus on three recent major negotiations which led to the Financial Regulation of 25 June 2002, to its first modification, adopted on 13 December 2006, and to the Interinstitutional Agreement (IIA) of 17 May 2006 between the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission on budgetary discipline and sound financial management and to the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) for 2007-2013. The main forms of flexibility identified in the studies are: the system of amending budgets, the quantity of various budget headings and operational budget lines in the general budget and the system of transfer of appropriations during the budgetary year ( structural flexibility ), the system of compulsory vs non-compulsory expenditure ( normative flexibility ), the system of provisional appropriations, reserves and Funds, the system of commitment appropriations, the system of carry-overs, and the various flexibility elements present in budgetary discipline system and the multiannual financial perspectives and framework of the European Union.
  • Wass, Hanna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2008)
    The relationship between age and turnout has been curve-linear as electoral participation first increases with age, remains relatively stable throughout middle-age and then gradually declines as certain physical infirmities set in (see e.g. Milbrath 1965). Alongside this life-cycle effect in voting, recent pooled cross-sectional analyses (see e.g. Blais et al. 2004; Lyons and Alexander 2000) have shown that there is also a generational effect, referring to lasting differences in turnout between various age groups. This study firstly examines the extent to which the generational effect applies in the Finnish context. Secondly, it investigates the factors accounting for that effect. The first article, based on individual-level register data from the parliamentary elections of 1999, shows that turnout differences between the different age groups would be even larger if there were no differences in social class and education. The second article examines simultaneously the effects of age, generation and period in the Finnish parliamentary elections of 1975-2003 based on pooled data from Finnish voter barometers (N = 8,634). The results show that there is a clear life cycle, generational and period effect. The third article examines the role of political socialisation in accounting for generational differences in electoral participation. Political socialisation is defined as the learning process in which an individual adopts various values, political attitudes, and patterns of actions from his or her environment. The multivariate analysis, based on the Finnish national election study 2003 (N=1,270), indicated that if there were no differences in socialisation between the youngest and the older generations, the difference in turnout would be much larger than if only sex and socioeconomic factors are controlled for. The fourth article examines other possible factors related to generational effect in voting. The results mainly apply to the Finnish parliamentary elections of 2003 in which we have data available. The results show that the sense of duty by far accounts for the generational effect in voting. Political interest, political knowledge and non-parliamentary participation also narrowed the differences in electoral participation between the youngest and the second youngest generations. The implication of the findings is that the lower turnout among the current youth is not a passing phenomenon that will diminish with age. Considering voting a civic duty and understanding the meaning of collective action are both associated with the process of political socialisation which therefore has an important role concerning the generational effect in turnout.
  • Laako, Hanna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2011)
    This study explores the meaning, content and significance of the political as manifest in the Mexican Zapatista movement as historically and geopolitically situated struggle. The case study undertakes a critical analysis of the development, organization, practice and discourse of the movement by drawing on fieldwork experiences, interviews, discussions, documents, films and other material produced by the movement, and the critical engagement with the research of others, especially in Latin America and Mexico. The dissertation poses the need to reconsider what constitutes and what we understand by the political , related particularly to the challenges provided by the critical globalization literature, decolonization and the study of social movements. The analysis encompasses several inter-related levels: the theoretical knowledge regarding the conceptualization of the political; the methodological level, regarding how such research can and should be conducted and knowledge claims formulated given the inescapable context and effects of global power relations; and the substantive level of adding specific information and analytical insights to existing knowledge of the Zapatista movement. As a result of conceptualization of a range of practices and processes, distinct understandings of the political can be underlined. Firstly, the conception of the indigenous and the struggles as indigenous movements as specifically political, not just a cultural or ethnic identity or a static quality but rather, an active consciousness integrally linked both to a longer history of oppression and as political articulation in the concrete context and lived experience of contemporary struggle. Secondly, the practice of autonomy as central to an understanding of the political in the context of the Zapatista struggle as a practical response to the situation of oppression, counter-insurgency, siege and conflict in Chiapas, as well as a positively informed mode of political self-understanding, expression and practice in its own right. Thirdly, the notion of geopolitical positioning as important to understanding of the political that encompasses the historicity of specific context and the power relations which shape that context, developed in two different ways: in regard to the positioning of the researcher and knowledge production with and about the Zapatistas, and in regard to the practice and knowledge of the Zapatistas as a decolonizing force in their encounters, interaction and relations with others, especially the global civil society. Finally, the role of silence, absence, invisibility, revelation and hiding in political practice as a deliberate strategy in response to oppressive power. -
  • Kujanpää, Kirsti (Helsingin yliopisto, 2017)
    The goal of this study is to research the link between Human Resources Management (HRM) and wellbeing at work in a multicultural work community. The study asks how multiculturalism emerges into human resources management and wellbeing at work. It examines human resources management from the perspectives of diversity management, promotion and leading of wellbeing at work, and the use of human resources management theory. The study focuses on the micro level of organisational studies, on leadership, and on the functionality of the work community. The research takes a case study approach. It is an empirical inquiry into a real-life contemporary phenomenon using multiple sources of evidence. The phenomenon is examined through a municipal public utility. The data are derived from focus groups, personal thematic interviews, wellbeing at work inquiry and human resources policy documents. In the first phase, the study looks at the focus groups perceptions of the concepts of wellbeing at work as well as work ability. A questionnaire for the whole work organisation consists of questions concerning different areas of wellbeing at work in addition to a Work Ability index (WAI) test. In the second phase, the study focuses on diversity management using a multiculturalism inquiry and personal interviews. In the third phase, human resources policy documents are analysed from the perspective of human resources management, wellbeing at work and diversity management/multiculturalism. The results revealed wellbeing at work to have been strongly related to human resources management, human resources functions and strategic decisions, and was found to be the function of the employer. In general, the concept of wellbeing at work was difficult to define, and was understood as the aspects of work ability. The inquiry showed no significant differences in opinion about the actualization of wellbeing at work between the original population and immigrants. Rather, the perceptions related to multiculturalism differed from each other with respect to the expertise and craftsmanship of the immigrants. The original population considered these as risk factors for wellbeing at work. The multicultural work community was found to requires diversity management, immigrants working-life knowledge, bi-directional cultural adaptation, and skills to handle conflicts. The collaboration between human resources management, superiors and occupational health was emphasised as being important when it concerned wellbeing at work and multicultural issues, especially issues that were difficult to bring up as well as work ability assessment. The study shows that the education of all main actors about immigrants culture, expertise, know-how, work ability and rehabilitation should be paid attention to. The analysis of the human resources policy documents found that the organisational management was strategic. However, human resources management was not well linked to the business strategy. Differences in views as expressed between personnel and personnel documents appeared in terms of wellbeing and diversity management. The study indicates that effective and efficient strategic management requires a link between human resources and diversity management strategies on one hand, and business strategy on the other.
  • Malkki, Leena (2010)
    This study explores the decline of terrorism by conducting source-based case studies on two left-wing terrorist campaigns in the 1970s, those of the Rode Jeugd in the Netherlands and the Symbionese Liberation Army in the United States. The purpose of the case studies is to bring more light into the interplay of different external and internal factors in the development of terrorist campaigns. This is done by presenting the history of the two chosen campaigns as narratives from the participants’ points of view, based on interviews with participants and extensive archival material. Organizational resources and dynamics clearly influenced the course of the two campaigns, but in different ways. This divergence derives at least partly from dissimilarities in organizational design and the incentive structure. Comparison of even these two cases shows that organizations using terrorism as a strategy can differ significantly, even when they share ideological orientation, are of the same size and operate in the same time period. Theories on the dynamics of terrorist campaigns would benefit from being more sensitive to this. The study also highlights that the demise of a terrorist organization does not necessarily lead to the decline of the terrorist campaign. Therefore, research should look at the development of terrorist activity beyond the lifespan of a single organization. The collective ideological beliefs and goals functioned primarily as a sustaining force, a lens through which the participants interpreted all developments. On the other hand, it appears that the role of ideology should not be overstated. Namely, not all participants in the campaigns under study fully internalized the radical ideology. Rather, their participation was mainly based on their friendship with other participants. Instead of ideology per se, it is more instructive to look at how those involved described their organization, themselves and their role in the revolutionary struggle. In both cases under study, the choice of the terrorist strategy was not merely a result of a cost-benefit calculation, but an important part of the participants’ self-image. Indeed, the way the groups portrayed themselves corresponded closely with the forms of action that they got involved in. Countermeasures and the lack of support were major reasons for the decline of the campaigns. However, what is noteworthy is that the countermeasures would not have had the same kind of impact had it not been for certain weaknesses of the groups themselves. Moreover, besides the direct impact the countermeasures had on the campaign, equally important was how they affected the attitudes of the larger left-wing community and the public in general. In this context, both the attitudes towards the terrorist campaign and the authorities were relevant to the outcome of the campaigns.
  • Koivusalo, Markku Johannes (Tutkijaliitto, 2012)
    The Politics of Experience. Michel Foucault's System of Thought is a comprehensive enquiry into the structure and the historical conditions of Foucault's thought from the perspective of political reason. According to its thesis Foucault's main question is identical to the classical question of political philosophy: what are the modes of historical reason governing human action. However, the question is raised from the post-Kantian critical perspective and dealt with exploration of the historical conditions of possibilities of experiences. The study confirms Foucault as a systematic thinker of truth and freedom and claims that his main problem is the relationship between truth and politics as historical experiences. This thesis is supported by close readings of Foucault's ways of questioning in his historical enquiries, together with a comparative reflection on other thinkers from the angle of these specific historical problems. The methodological stakes of the work are twofold. First to follow Foucault's own approach by folding his way of questioning towards his own historical system of thought and investigating what is its own structure, what are its own historical limits and conditions of possibility. Secondly, on the basis of this reading, the study asks what would be the possibilities for a political philosophy that would neither be moral philosophy nor empirical science of politics, but would continue critically to question the concrete modes of political reason and to explore the relations between truth and politics without reducing one to the other. The monograph includes six previously peer-reviewed articles. The first investigates Foucault's archeological critique of knowledge, the second his strategic analysis of power and third his ethical critique of governmentality. The next two articles examine the modern concept of human in relation to the modern scientific, artistic and political experiences. The last article reflects on the relationship between violence and life. The articles are preceded by an extensive encyclopedic introduction to the critical political anthropology of Foucault. The introduction gathers together the phrasing of questions in other articles and links Foucault's thought to the three critical questions of Immanuel Kant's philosophy: What can I know? What should I do? What can I hope? It also places Foucault's thought in relation to Kant's view of philosophy as system (Schulbegriff) and a science of the ultimate ends of mankind (Weltbegriffe). The aim of Kant's critical philosophy was to prepare a propedeutic introduction to the possibility for a new metaphysics as transcendental philosophy through the criticism of transcendental illusions. The thesis of the study is that Foucault's critical philosophy can be read as a propedeutic introduction to the new political philosophy through its criticism of anthropological illusions. In addition, in the end of the thesis there is an appendix, where the approach of the study is differentiated from other approaches (especially from some hegemonic anglo-saxon receptions of Foucault), they are argued against and the particular approach and methodology of this study are defended.
  • Nykäsenoja, Jaakko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2015)
    Mental health work has emerged as an important social issue over the past few decades. The reduction of institutional care, the development of outpatient treatment, the growth of diagnoses of depression, the introduction of new psychopharmaca and the increase in the number of organisations active in the field have been and remain key factors in mental health work, mental health and the treatment of related disorders. This study examines the involvement in mental health work of three social sectors – the public sector, the private sector and the NGObased third sector. Mental disorders pose challenges for public health and the economy, so it is important to understand their causes and effects as well as governance. Mental health work is an extensive and multifaceted field with a tradition of interdisciplinary research. No field of science has sole “ownership” of mental health as a research area; rather, issues related to mental health are regularly explored in fields as diverse as medicine, social policy, psychology, political science and administrative studies. Gaining a comprehensive overview of the field is therefore practically impossible. The purpose of this study is to investigate the sector-specific and cross-sector governance of mental health work.   As a concept, governance is close to the idea of overall social interest. How can different parties be guided so that an “ideal” or at least a feasible solution can be achieved, for example, for mental health work? For this purpose, the operating conditions of different sectors must be recognised, and responsibilities must be clearly distributed and coordinated. A third sector of mental health work appeared when local NGOs were established as a result of the rundown of institutional care in the 1980s and 1990s. The work of such NGOs includes both professional and voluntary efforts and encompasses those who provide assistance and those who need it, the latter also being linked through peer support. Mental health associations as well as social and health organisations more generally have been largely overlooked as a research topic. The results of this study also offer perspectives on the practical development and governance of mental health work.
  • Vaara, Lauri (Helsingin yliopisto, 2013)
    The Land of Forester Corps. The Study on Corporatism in Finnish Forestry The study explains the control of forestry entrepreneurship by forest organizations. The study material consists of other related studies, statutes, articles and own observations. In the turn of the 19th and 20th century the state started to form the administration of forestry. This action complied the general attitudes related to forester culture at the era. These attitudes formed among state forest officials were anti-agriculture opinions, low competence in business economics and poor consideration of societal aspects. Forest Management Society Tapio was established in 1908 as a state-external central agency for the extension of private forest owners under a pressure the existing forester culture. Its position was strategic in order to steer the forestry extension towards the forms desired by the forester corps. The forester corps gained also a strategic position in the future enforcement of the forest laws, when superior enforcement of the Forest Act of 1917 was allocated to the State Forest Service. The goal of the forester corps has been an independent forestry within the public administration and in forestry as a business. This goal has been in conflict with prevailing landownership, industries and natural conditions in Finland. State governance of forestry was replaced by the corporative governance of Forestry Boards in 1928. They were given, in addition to law enforcement, also the extension of private forest owners. In 1950 the Forest Management Associations, which had also acted as the trustees of the private forest owners since 1942, were made the official local agencies of the Forestry Boards. In 1987 the Forestry Boards were given the entitlement to allocate state subsidies. This combination of remits fullfills the characteristics of a centralizet administrative authority where power of sanctioning and rewarding, attidute control and even the control of the trustee organizations is centralized to the same organization. At meanwhile the control of the administrative authority is eliminated. The afore mentioned arrangements have eliminated political surveillance, trusteeship of private forest owners, surveillance of judiciary and media as well as critical forest research. As a result is a system where there is almost no restrictions for the actions of the organizations controlling private forest owners. Also free markets are eliminated from forestry. Entrepreneurs and competition do not exist and efficiency ia measured according to quantity instead of costs. Forestry work services are produced by monopoly organizations. Forest Management Associations in wood production and forest industry entreprises in wood harvesting. The works of forestry have been arranged as a collective economy lead by these organizations. The end result of the arrangements is a totalitarian corporatism where governance resembles a centralized state administration and the economic system a centralized planned economy. The forestry practiced inside these frames is in a state of chaos what comes to production activity, livelihood-circumstances and also management of forest ecosystems. The chaos is hidden by massive PR-activities and demonstrations of technically effective harvesters.
  • Tiili, Minna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2008)
    This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.
  • Pankakoski, Timo (2013)
    The study deals with the ideas of political conflict, politics as conflict, and concepts as weapons in the work of the German conservative political theorist Carl Schmitt (1888–1985) and, by methodological extension, in the conceptual history of the German historian and theorist Reinhart Koselleck (1923–2006). The study poses a series of critical questions regarding the conflictual aspect of politics and underlines the historically contingent and contextually determined nature of the idea of politics as conflict. By critical examination of the Schmittian perspective, the study underlines the need for an alternative view in which political conflict is taken seriously, but politics is, however, not identified with its conflictual aspect, on the one hand, and political conflict is not reduced to the paradigm of physical and military conflict, on the other. Rather than a substantial core of politics, conflict is a category open for many valuations and argumentative functions, and these must be studied by means of linguistically and historically sensitive form of theorizing. In its methodology, the study supplements the approach of political theory with conceptual history and metaphorology. Extending the critical analysis of conflict to methodology – including that of its own – the study warns against a too easy adoption of conflict as a methodological category, a metahistorical structure, or a near-synonym to either context or contingency that would introduce vicious circularity and jeopardize the historical contingency of the category itself. The study shows in detail the manifestation of the Schmittian view of conflict in Koselleck’s history of concepts. Koselleck adopts from Schmitt not only individual expressions but also the narrative structure that binds together many of Schmitt’s analytical and methodological categories. Particular attention is paid to the link between the ideas of reading concepts in their particular contexts and the idea of reading them as manifestations of particular political conflicts – a double assumption deriving from Schmitt’s analysis of the “concreteness” of concepts. The study also offers a novel reading of Schmitt’s thought on political conflict in both domestic and international settings by means of the neglected category of the “intermediate state” between peace and war. By analyzing this partly metaphorical motif, the study maps the links between Schmitt’s theory of war and his view of domestic conflict in pluralist democracy and further unearths connections between Schmitt’s view of conflict and his theologically oriented philosophy of world history. By a close reading of the concept of secularization in tandem with that of “reoccupation,” the study provides a new interpretation of the secularization debate between Schmitt and the philosopher Hans Blumenberg (1920–1996) and thereby simultaneously sheds new light on the tension-ridden relationship between Blumenberg’s metaphorology and Koselleck’s history of concepts. For both Schmitt and Koselleck, secularization is inherently linked with the question of political conflict, and once these contingent political-theoretical starting points are explicated, it is possible to aim at more wide-reaching combinations of the perspectives of conceptual history and metaphorology.
  • Roman-Lagerspetz, Sari (Sari Roman-Lagerspetz, 2009)
    This study analyses the Hegelian roots of the subject-theory and the political theory of Judith Butler. Butler can be seen as the author of "gender performativity". Butler claims that subject's identities are linquistic "terms". Linquistic identities are performative and normative: they produce, according to cultural rules, the identities which they just claim to describe. Butler's theory of the performativity of identities is based on her theory of identities as "ek-static" constructions. This means that there is a relation between the self and the Other in the heart of identities. It is claimed in this study that Butler's theory of the relation between the self and the Other, or, between the subject and the constitutive outside, is based on G.W.F. Hegel's theory of the dialectics of recognition in The Phenomenology of Spirit. Especially the sections dealing with the relation between "Lord" and "Bondsman" set the theoretical base for Butler's theory. Further, it is claimed that Hegel's own solution for the enslaving and instrumentalizing relation between the self and the Other, reciprocal recognition, remains an important alternative to the postmodernist conception supported by political theorists like Butler. Chapter 2, on Hegel, goes through the dialectics of recognition between the self and the Other in The Phenomenology of Spirit up until the ideal of reciprocal recognition and absolute knowledge. Chapter 3 introduces two French interpretations of Hegel, by Alexandre Kojéve and Louis Althusser. Both of these interpretations, especially the Kojevian one, have deeply influenced the contemporary understanding of Hegel as well as the contemporary thought - presented e.g. in the postmodern political thought - on the relations between the self and the Other. The Kojévian Marxist utopia with its notion of "the End of History" as well as the Althusserian theory of the Interpellative formation of subjects have influenced how Hegel's theory of the self and the Other have travelled into Butler's thought. In chapter 5 these influences are analyzed in detail. According to the analysis, Butler, like numerous other poststructuralist theorists, accepts Kojéve's interpretation as basically correct, but rejects his vision of "the End of History" as static and totalitarian. Kojéve's utopian philosophy of history is replaced by the paradoxical idea of an endless striving towards emancipation which, however, could not and should not be reached. In chapter 6 Butler's theory is linked to another postmodern political theory, that of Chantal Mouffe. It is argued that Mouffe's theory is based on a similar view of the relation of the self and the other as Butler's theory. The former, however, deals explicitly with politics. Therefore, it makes the central paradox of striving for the impossible more visible; such a theory is unable to guide political action. Hegel actually anticipated this kind of theorizing in his critique of "Unhappy Consciousness" in the Phenomenology of Spirit. Keywords: Judith Butler, G.W.F. Hegel, Chantal Mouffe, Alexandre Kojéve, Postmodernism, Politics, Identities, Performativity, Self-consciousness, Other
  • Nummelin, Tua (Kehitysvammaliitto ry - Förbundet utvecklingsstörning rf, 2009)
    In the beginning of the 1990s the legislation regarding the municipalities and the system of central government transfers were reformed in Finland. This resulted in a move from detailed governmental control to increased municipal autonomy. The purpose of this decentralization was to enable the municipalities to better adapt their administration and service supply to local needs. The aim of this study was to explore the effects of the increased municipal autonomy on the organization of services for people with intellectual disabilities. Did the increased autonomy cause the municipalities to alter their service supply and production and did the services become more adapted to local needs? The data consists of statistical information on service use and production, and also of background data such as demographics, economics and political elections on 452 municipalities in Finland from the years 1994 and 2000. The methods used are cluster analysis, discriminant analysis and factor analysis. The municipalities could be grouped in two categories: those which offered mainly one kind of residential services and others which had more varied mixes of services. The use of institutional care had decreased and municipalities which used institutional care as their primary form of service were mostly very small municipalities in 2000. The situation had changed from 1994, when institutional care was the primary service for municipalities of all sizes. Also the service production had become more differentiated and the municipalities had started using more varied ways of production. More municipalities had started producing their own services and private production had increased as well. Furthermore, the increase in local autonomy had opened up possibilities for local politics to influence both the service selection and methods of production. The most significant motive for changes in the service structure was high unemployment and an increasing share of elderly people in the population, particularly in sparsely populated areas. Municipalities with a low level of resources had made more changes in their service organization while those with more resources had been able to carry on as before. Key words: service structure, service for people with intellectual disabilities, municipalities, contingency theory, New Public Management
  • Meriluoto, Jouni (2011)
    The research question of this thesis was how knowledge can be managed with information systems. Information systems can support but not replace knowledge management. Systems can mainly store epistemic organisational knowledge included in content, and process data and information. Certain value can be achieved by adding communication technology to systems. All communication, however, can not be managed. A new layer between communication and manageable information was named as knowformation. Knowledge management literature was surveyed, together with information species from philosophy, physics, communication theory, and information system science. Positivism, post-positivism, and critical theory were studied, but knowformation in extended organisational memory seemed to be socially constructed. A memory management model of an extended enterprise (M3.exe) and knowformation concept were findings from iterative case studies, covering data, information and knowledge management systems. The cases varied from groups towards extended organisation. Systems were investigated, and administrators, users (knowledge workers) and managers interviewed. The model building required alternative sets of data, information and knowledge, instead of using the traditional pyramid. Also the explicit-tacit dichotomy was reconsidered. As human knowledge is the final aim of all data and information in the systems, the distinction between management of information vs. management of people was harmonised. Information systems were classified as the core of organisational memory. The content of the systems is in practice between communication and presentation. Firstly, the epistemic criterion of knowledge is not required neither in the knowledge management literature, nor from the content of the systems. Secondly, systems deal mostly with containers, and the knowledge management literature with applied knowledge. Also the construction of reality based on the system content and communication supports the knowformation concept. Knowformation belongs to memory management model of an extended enterprise (M3.exe) that is divided into horizontal and vertical key dimensions. Vertically, processes deal with content that can be managed, whereas communication can be supported, mainly by infrastructure. Horizontally, the right hand side of the model contains systems, and the left hand side content, which should be independent from each other. A strategy based on the model was defined.
  • Poropudas, Olli (Helsingin yliopisto, 2012)
    The subject of this dissertational study in the field of world politics is the influence of policy on the economic development of the Grand Duchy of Finland between 1809 and 1913. The following research questions are addressed: 1) When did economic development begin in Finland? 2) Why did it begin? and 3) Why did Finland - in contrast to many other countries that have made the same endeavour - succeed in its development attempts? The study s empirical research is based on a state-centred approach to political economy and was carried out in accordance with comparative historical research method relying on secondary sources. The study shows that Finland s economic development began in the mid-1800s as a part of the policy of the Russian Empire to regain its position in international politics lost in the Crimean war. Both in Russia and Finland, free market institutions began to be built that created the preconditions for the start of economic development. The reasons for Finland's success are explored through the claim made in theoretical debate that the countries which succeed in economic development are those whose leaders set it as an aim and where the state is strong. This assertion is investigated by comparing the economic policies of Finland in the early and late 19th century and contrasting Finland with a country that failed in its economic development: Tanzania in the years 1961-1980. The study shows that the Grand Duchy's economic stagnation in the first half of the 1800s was due to decision-markers reluctance to make the necessary institutional changes. The mid-century policy change was smoothly achieved because decision-makers had at their disposal a strong state that had been created in an earlier historical period. An analysis of Tanzania's recipe of African socialism shows that the country's economic policy was often at odds with economic development, and when economic development was finally set as a goal, the population could not be mobilised to work toward it. The background to the failure was the political leadership's incompetence in economic policy as well as weak government. In the dissertation, the cases of Finland and Tanzania are used as a basis for discussing the applicability of the strong state theory for explaining the problem of developing countries, and Wallerstein's world-system theory is critically considered.
  • Raevaara, Eeva (Helsingin yliopisto, 2005)
    The study looks at the debates on gender equality in political decision-making in Finland and France in the 1990s and 2000s by analysing the argumentation for parité and quotas and the ways in which gender equality was constructed as a political problem. The focus of the study is on the parliamentary debates on the amendment of the electoral law in France in 2000 and the introduction of quota regulations into the Act on Equality in Finland in 1994 - 1995. The debates ended in the adoption of quota regulations in the electoral lists (France) and in the executive and preparatory bodies at the national and the local level (Finland). Apart from the analysis of the parliamentary debates, the study explores the political processes preceding the adoption of legislation as well as the debates on quotas and parity in Finnish and French societies in the 1980s and 1990s. The debates on gender equality are analysed as the sites of struggle and change with regard to the normative boundaries of gender equality, as well as of politics and citizenship. The cross-cultural perspective gives room to explore the ways in which gender equality and change can be imagined in different national contexts, and which kinds of discursive resources are available for the politicization of gender equality. Specific attention is paid to the discursive frames and agenda settings in the debates and how these set the limits of the imaginable and the possible in the promotion of gender equality. In both Finland and France, the promotion of equality was constructed as a national project, in which the main beneficiary was the society or the nation as a whole. In France, gender equality was an inherent part of the promotion of French democracy; in Finland, gender equality was regarded as a means to bring the expertise of both women and men to the benefit of the whole society. Furthermore, in both countries the promotion of gender equality was based on the harmonious cooperation of women and men and the temporal dimension of "nearly achieved" gender equality. In this kind of a context, gender equality served as a means towards the wider national ends, and there was little room to discuss the aspects of power and agency with regard to gender equality. However, the internationalisation of equality politics, as well as the conflicting interpretations of gender equality in the national political arenas, calls into question the existence of clearly defined and immutable boundaries of "Finnish" and "French" gender equality. At the same time, the rules of the game in politics, including the meaning of French republicanism and Finnish "expert oriented" politics were contested. In this way, the new equality legislation and the preceding political processes played a part in the transformation of the limits of gender equality, politics and citizenship.
  • Palosaari, Teemu (Rauhan- ja konfliktintutkimuskeskus TAPRI, 2011)
    This study examines how Finnish foreign and security policy has been influenced by the European Union and its Common Foreign and Security Policy. It points to a growing interplay and misfit between the external expectations originating from the European level and the domestic expectations and traditional ways-of-doing-things. It is concluded that the deepening European integration in the sphere of foreign, security and defence policy has played a significant role in a number of transformations in the Finnish policies since 1995. New, more European, meanings have been attached to the key concepts of Finnish foreign and security policy. Neutrality and traditional peacekeeping have been replaced by a minimalist reading of military non-alignment and participation in crisis management operations and EU battle groups. Traditional small state identity has been recast more and more as small member stateness . At the same time Finland has entered an era of post-consensus in national foreign and security policy. A key theoretical argument in the background of the study is that collective understandings attached to European policies, when not resonating well with domestic understandings, cause adaptation pressures on domestic-level processes and may lead to changes in the way interests and identities are constructed. This means that Europeanization is principally seen as identity reconstruction. Consequently, the theoretical framework of the study builds on the Europeanization research literature and constructivist IR theory on state identity. Foreign and security policy is defined as the practice in which state identity is reproduced, and the key foreign and security policy concepts are seen as the vehicles of identity production. It is concluded that for Finland, participation in the EU s foreign, security and defence policies represents not only a tool for responding to the changes in the international security environment but also a new means of self-identification. Concerning the Finnish attempts of projecting national interests on the European security policy agenda, it is concluded that they mainly relate to the compatibility of the potential development of EU s defence dimension with the Finnish military non-alignment. Although neutrality was cast aside in the official security policy when Finland joined the EU, the analysis shows that its impact has continued in the domestic political debate and in the mind-set of the decision-makers. The primary research material includes official Finnish foreign and security policy documentation and the related parliamentary debates from 1994 to 2007. This study serves also as a comprehensive empirical overview on Finland s reactions and contributions to the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy.