Faculty of Social Sciences

 

Recent Submissions

  • Zhen Jie, Im (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    In West European economies, there is growing concern about the extent to which workplace automation affects employment patterns, and thus the level of risk which workers may face from such labour market disruption. There are also worries that elevated automation risk may generate substantial political fallout, namely automation-driven grievances that feedback into the political process. In this regard, I ask: how does automation risk affect individual workers’ support for social policies and party choice? I focus particularly on its impact on workers’ support for benefit conditionality policies and radical right parties. I argue that the impact of automation risk on these two political outcomes may be traced to automation-vulnerable workers’ fear of status decline and concern about welfare competition. These worries may emanate from workers’ elevated automation risk, even if they do not actually become unemployed from automation. Benefit conditionality policies, which are increasingly prevalent, apply stringent obligations like accepting available albeit worse jobs, and sanctions like unemployment benefit cuts to pressure unemployed workers into reemployment. Automation-vulnerable workers may reject benefit conditionality because its stringent obligations and sanctions may exacerbate their economic vulnerabilities. However, they may yet support benefit conditionality if they consider their worries about status decline and welfare competition to be more salient than their worries about the economic costs of benefit conditionality. These worries may have electoral implications. If automation-vulnerable workers worry about status decline and welfare competition and support benefit conditionality, they may prefer parties that support such policies, like radical right parties whose appeals speak to these concerns. This study investigates these political implications of automation risk in West European countries by exploiting cross-national individual-level surveys from the European Social Survey. I find that automation-vulnerable workers support benefit conditionality policies that obligate unemployed workers to accept worse jobs, namely lower wage or educationally mismatched jobs. This finding may indicate that these workers find welfare competition and status decline worries more salient than potential economic costs which they may suffer from benefit conditionality. These worries may also explain their preference for radical right parties over other party families. These findings show that risk is an important determinant of support for benefit conditionality policies, and its impact should be disentangled from that of current employment status. However, and through the case of automation, I demonstrate that risk may manifest different worries and threats, even non-economic ones, which may likewise affect benefit conditionality support. I also echo recent studies which show that automation-vulnerable workers’ support for radical right parties may be traced to their status worries, but I add that their concerns about welfare competition and support for benefit conditionality may also be relevant explanations.
  • Young Kyu, Shin (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    This dissertation examines insecure workers’ union memberships and attitudes towards new welfare programmes. To compare union memberships and policy preferences among different types of insecure workers, this research classifies these individuals into four different groups: part-time employees, temporary workers, low-skilled workers in the service sector, and solo self-employed workers. The first sub-study explores the unionisation of insecure workers by European industrial relations regime by estimating multilevel binary logistic models with the data from the European Social Survey Round 5 (2010). The second one investigates insecure workers’ choices regarding unemployment insurance and union membership after the reform of the Finnish Ghent system in 1992 by analysing the pooled Finnish Income Distribution Survey data from 2000 to 2012. On the other hand, the third and fourth sub-studies to examine insecure workers’ preferences for new social policy ideas concentrate on universal basic income and social investment policy for unemployment, respectively. To address these topics, both sub-studies estimate binary logistic regression models with clustered standard errors and country dummies by using the data from the European Social Survey Round 8 (2016) The first sub-study reveals that insecure workers’ inclination to join a union varies according to their form of employment and the industrial relations regime to which they belong. The second sub-study illustrates that in the transformed Finnish Ghent system, both part-time and temporary employees are inclined to have no union membership, whereas low-skilled service workers do not make significantly different choices from other employees. In addition, the third sub-study shows that only temporary employees tend to have more favourable attitudes among different groups of insecure workers. The fourth sub-study demonstrates that in a budgetary trade-off scenario between social protection and social investment, part-time permanent employees are inclined to be more supportive of social investment policy, whereas part-time temporary workers are less likely to support it. On the other hand, full-time temporary employees and solo self-employed workers do not exhibit significantly different preferences from standard employees.
  • Wang, Ziyu (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    This doctoral thesis examines how young Chinese people experience being and becoming in their education and how their child-parent relationships relationally influence these experiences. Two groups of concepts frame the analysis: first, being and becoming (including temporality, well-being, learner identity and orientations towards future) and, second, the child-parent relationship (including parental involvement, agency and relational influences). This study employs both quantitative and qualitative methods. The data was gathered through a China Family Panel Studies survey (N=1306), individual interviews (N=25) and an open-ended survey (N=479). These data were analysed by various methods, including statistical analysis, qualitative content analysis and thematic analysis. These young Chinese people have experienced multiple ways of being and becoming. The majority juggle being and becoming in a future-oriented way to achieve educational success, while a significant minority focus on the present and on happiness, entertainment and socialising. The findings point to a mix of abundant parental social support (particularly emotional support) and distant, conflictual child-parent interactions in young people’s negotiations of being and becoming. Young people’s agency has diverse forms embedded in their past, present and future family episodes, and they exercise their agency to mediate their parents’ educational involvement. The thesis suggests that the concept being and becoming heightens the entanglement between the present and the future and the intersection of the temporal and the social, which is increasingly recognised when studying youth. This study also demonstrates that a relational perspective is valuable in uncovering the dynamics, nuances and interactions in young people’s living and growing up. These rich descriptions enable further re-envisioning young Chinese people by questioning their traditionally submissive archetype. Such an inquiry into young people’s individual experiences and their interactions with their social context pinpoints ‘the social’ in social work studies at large. This study also draws out implications for educational and career support for young people and relational social work in practice.
  • Wardi, Eva Elisa (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    Väitöskirjatutkimuksen kolmen empiirisen osatutkimuksen tutkimuskohde on moraalin, oikeudenmukaisuuden ja eettisten ristiriitojen tutkiminen työelämän vuorovaikutussuhteissa suhteessa huolenpidon ammattilaisten omiin elämän arvoihin. Tutkimukset suoritettiin sosiaalikasvattajien lastensuojelun nuorisotyön avohoidon piirissä, sosionomien ja geronomien vanhustyössä valtion ja yksityisissä hoivakodeissa ja historiallisessa tapaustutkimuksessa kasvattajien (myöhemmin sosiaalikasvattajien) sotaorpojen orpokotien kasvatuksen tutkimuksena vuoden 1918 Suomessa. Tavoitteena ja kohteena ovat näin olleet lapset, nuoret ja yhä kasvava vanhusväestö sekä hoivakulttuurin inhimillisyyden ja oikeudenmukaisuuden ristiriidat ja kehitys maassamme. Ensimmäisen osatutkimuksen aineisto kerättiin Helsingin Diakonissalaitoksen sosiaalialan oppilaitoksessa sosiaalikasvattajaopiskelijoiden piiristä kehittävän työntutkimuksen innoittamana koulutusinterventiona. Tutkimus suoritettiin opetuskokeiluna, joka koostui neljästä orientoivan opetuksen opetusjaksosta. Niissä opeteltiin käyttämään kehittävän työntutkimuksen kolmiomallia, jonka tarkoituksena oli orientoida käsittelemään omakohtaisia työn sisällön ongelmia osana lastensuojelutyön työyhteisön työnjakoa ja muita reunaehtoja. Tutkimukseen osallistui 18 sosiaalikasvattajaopiskelijaa. Aineisto, joka koostui työhön liittyvien dilemmojen kuvauksista, tuotettiin ½ vuoden välein kahdella lastensuojelun avohuollon kenttätyöjaksolla. Omakohtaisia dilemmojen ratkaisumalleja verrattiin toisiinsa ja käytettiin työn sisällön kehittämisen välineenä koulutusten jälkeen tapahtuvan palautteen muodossa. Lastensuojelulaitosta pidettiin tutkimuksessa toimintajärjestelmänä, jonka piirissä pienetkin vuorovaikutuksen ristiriidat vaikuttavat koko toimintajärjestelmään sen jollakin tasolla. Työhön liittyvät esseemuotoiset raportit pisteitettiin Kohlbergin oikeudenmukaisuustasoille. Lisäksi tutkittiin Warkin ja Krebsin typologiaa soveltaen aineistossa esiintyneet dilemmatyypit. Tarkastelu toi dilemmakuvauksissa esiin vuorovaikutuksen ristiriidan kohteena olleet vanhemmat työntekijät, myös muut tahot kuten perhe saatettiin mainita. Tulokseksi saatiin havainto, että koulutusintervention vaikutuksesta vastaajat käyttivät useammin ylempää moraalikehityksen oikeudenmukaisuusajattelua sekä toiminnanteorian käsitteellistä kolmiota työnsä mallintamisen ja vuorovaikutuksen kehittämisen välineenä. Toisen tutkimuksen aineisto kerättiin kahdesta aikuiskoulutusoppilaitoksesta. Tutkimukseen valikoitui 14 vanhustyöntekijää, jotka kuvasivat henkilökohtaisen vanhustyöhön liittyvän ongelman ja vastasivat moraalisia skeemoja kartoittavaan Restin DIT-testiin ja Schwartzin PVQ42 -arvomittariin. Tutkittavien raportoimat ongelmat sijoittuivat pääosin Warkin ja Krebsin typologian sosiaalinen paine ja lojaalisuus -luokkiin. Niissä tuli esiin ristipaine omien ja työyhteisön asettamien arvojen välillä sekä ristiriita organisaation vaatimusten ja vanhuksen itsemäärämisoikeuden toteutumisen välillä. Työntekijöiden arvot ja moraaliset ajattelumallit näkyivät myös kuvattujen ongelmatilanteiden sisällössä, sillä universalismia ja itseohjautuvuutta arvostavat kiinnittivät useammin huomiota vanhusten autonomian toteutumiseen. Niin ikään tulokset antoivat viitteitä siitä, että vallitsevaa moraalisten ongelmien luokittelujärjestelmää pitäisi tarkentaa, koska monia dilemmoja oli vaikeata luokitella yhteen dilemmatyyppiin. Kolmas tutkimus käsitteli vuoden 1918 sisällissodan punaorpokysymyksen ratkaisua, jossa päätettiin sulauttaa punaisten lapset valkoiseen nationalistiseen kasvatusihanteeseen kasvattajakoulukunnan kasvattajien toimesta. Tapausta ja sen oikeudenmukaisuusajattelua tarkasteltiin toiminnanteorian, Kohlbergin moraaliteorian sekä Leyensin infrahumanisaatioteorian näkökulmasta. Historiallinen tapaustutkimus kohdistui kasvattajakoulutuksen opetusmateriaalin saksalaiseen aatehistorialliseen taustaan ja nationalistisen etiikan luonteen normatiiviseen tarkasteluun. Tarkastelun kohteena oli myös kaksi aikalaista: Sisälähetysseuran Kasvattajaopiston rehtori Ruusu Heinisen (1876-1962), joka valtion ja kirkon välisissä neuvotteluissa oli katsottu poliittisesti sitoutuneena valkoisena sopivaksi kouluttamaan sosiaalihallituksen ohjeen mukaan oikeaoppisia sijaisäitejä sisällissodan köyhille punaorvoille ja Sortavalan Diakonissalaitoksen sitoutumaton johtaja Jenny Ivalo (1854-1921). Heidän oikeudenmukaisuusajatteluaan ja toimintaansa tutkittiin kirjallisiin dokumentteihin tukeutuen, Kohlbergin heteronomisen A- ja universalistisen B-tyypin avulla. Laajemmin valkoista Suomea koskien tutkimus toi esiin vuoden 1918 samantapaisen jyrkän moraalisen kahtiajaon, sotaorpolainsäädännössä, kasvatusfilosofiassa ja opetuskirjallisuudessa, joissa A- tyyppi ja valkoinen sisäryhmäajattelu oli hallitsevaa ja B-tyyppi ja toisenlaisen, omasta sisäryhmäajattelusta poikkeavan ajattelun hyväksyminen kovin harvinaista. Tuloksia havainnollistava historiallinen aineisto kertoo Suomen oloissa harvinaisesta lasten indoktrinaatiosta ja toisaalta siirtymästä oikeudenmukaisempaan ajatteluun 1918 jälkeen niin lainsäädännön kuin sen hallinnon alaisuudessa olevan koulutuksen osalta. Myöhemmät vuosikymmenet ovat osoittaneet, että oikeudenmukaisuusajattelu on muuttunut ratkaisevasti demokraattisempaan suuntaan, mutta lasten tasa-arvoon liittyvät kysymykset muodostavat edelleen jossakin määrin haasteen. Avainsanat: moraalin kehitys, oikeudenmukaisuusajattelu, oman elämän moraalikonfliktit, roolinotto, kehittävä työntutkimus, arvo, arvoristiriidat, skeemat
  • Martikainen, Joonas (Helsingin yliopisto, 2021)
    The purpose of this dissertation is to design a conception of political poverty that can address the loss of the experience of political freedom. This form of political poverty is described as separate from poverty of resources and opportunities, and poverty of capabilities required for participation. The study aims to make intelligible how a person or a group can suffer from a diminishing and fracturing of social experience, which can lead to the inability to experience oneself as a capable and credible political agent, political engagement as a meaningful field of action, and democratic politics as a meaningful avenue for changing things for the better. This is a phenomenon which has been heretofore neglected by political theorists. The study presents a heuristic diagnosis of political poverty as loss of experiential freedom that involves four aspects of experience that have specifically political relevance: loss of trust, loss of expressivity, loss of a sense of access to the public world, and the loss of future temporality in experience. Diminishing and fracturing of these aspects of social experience can lead to politically impoverished persons and groups to become complicit in their own marginalisation by remaining unmotivated to challenge it. These aspects of social experience are approached through phenomenological portraits, chosen from literature on social exclusion and poverty. The diagnosis remains open to further development through exploration of other aspects of experience. The study draws on the thinking of Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Hannah Arendt to present an account of political freedom as only experienced in co-existence with others. Through a critical discussion of their work, a more comprehensive account of political agency is developed. The experience of having political agency involves not just the cognitive and communicative capacities of the subject, but also the entire perceptual and motor intentionality of their lived body. The experience of meaningfulness is approached by exploring the intersubjective constitution of the self in a dialectical process with their social environment. This experience is described as a form of faith in oneself as an agent and in the meaningfulness of political engagement. Such faith is a practical, meaning-giving intentional relationship of a lived body to their social environment. This study emphasizes the experience of being a capable and credible political agent, and experiencing politics as a meaningful field for engagement, as important aspects of political freedom that should be considered alongside inclusivity of democratic processes, the equality of opportunity to participate, and the equality of the cognitive and communicative capabilities required for effective participation. In order to discuss political poverty as the loss of experiential freedom, we must go beyond objectivist models of social critique and approach the problem with the tools of existential phenomenology.
  • Savonen, Tuomas (The Finnish Society of Sciences and Letters, 2020)
    This study examines the life and political line of Gus Hall (1910-2000), the long-time general secretary of Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA). The first main part of the study examines Hall’s Finnish American background and his life until 1959 when he became the general secretary of the CPUSA. The second main part focuses on the 1960s and looks closely at Hall’s political line during the first decade of his general secretaryship. The study shows that Gus Hall’s political line went through several major changes over the decades. Young Arvo Halberg – as Gus Hall was then known – joined the Communist Party in 1927. His Stalinist upbringing was perfected in Moscow’s International Lenin School in which he studied in the early 1930s. In the 1930s, when he served as a leader in demonstrations and strikes in Minnesota and Ohio, Halberg/Hall was sometimes ready to resort to violence to improve the conditions of the working class. In the early 1940s Hall gave his support to the Americanized communism of the CPUSA’s general secretary Earl Browder. In the mid-1940s, as the party went through a dramatic leadership change, Hall re-invented himself as a supporter of the more Soviet-minded communism of the new party leadership. In the late 1950s Hall once again changed his political line as the party went through tumultuous change following Nikita Khrushchev’s revelations concerning Stalin. Hall now represented himself as a moderate centrist who was ready to reform the CPUSA. Reforms were few, however, during Hall’s first decade as general secretary. The party continued following closely the political line of the Soviet Union. As a consequence, the party was not seen as an interesting alternative by the young New Left radicals of the 1960s. Hall’s Soviet-minded line was best exemplified by the CPUSA’s reaction to the Warsaw Pact occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1968. The CPUSA was one of the few Western Communist Parties which wholeheartedly accepted the Warsaw Pact measure. As Hall’s political line changed several times before the 1960s, he can be criticized of being an opportunist. In the 1960s, however, his line was consistent. It can be best described with the concept of proletarian internationalism. In the language of the international communist movement, proletarian internationalism self-evidently included the idea of Soviet Union’s unchallenged leadership.
  • Käkönen, Mira (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This is a study of expertise and power relations in riverine resourcification processes. With a focus on hydraulic infrastructuring and hydrosocial ordering efforts in the Mekong Region, I seek to contribute new perspectives to the analysis of water, energy and climate change governing. The central research question is how water resources are made and governed in the Mekong Region and with what effects, especially in terms of the consequent new power formations and implications for the lives of the Mekong’s riverine residents. This question is timely. Currently, the rivers in the region are being dammed and engineered at an accelerating pace, making the Mekong Basin a scene of one of the most intensive hydropower developments in the world. Around two hundred large dams are at different stages of development in the mainstream and tributaries of the Mekong. The study has global relevance because the actors, rationales and techniques involved epitomise those shaping the current resurgence of hydropower development and other large infrastructure projects in the global South. As I argue, the emergent governmental assemblages enabling the hydropower development are not only intensively present in the Mekong but also partially created there. The research is grounded in the interpretive research tradition of the social sciences and situated at the interface of environmental and development studies. It builds on Foucault-inspired research, especially in the field of political ecology. The analysis contributes to studies of hydrosocial relations and bridges the political-ecological research on water and on climate change. Moreover, it provides new insights on the co-constitutive relations between resources and power formations which have relevance for recent political ecology discussions on resource- and state-making. The constituent and constitutive power formations of resourcification that are analysed include technoscientific, infrastructural, discursive, corporate and different aspects of state powers. It also examines the socio-spatial configurations that emerge from resource-making processes. Analysis of the ways technoscience and technical infrastructures are implicated in the possibilities of hydrosocial ordering forges connections with science and technology studies. In the course of five published articles I examine a range of attempts to fix in place certain sets of biophysical, infrastructural, discursive and socio-political relations. I approach these fixing efforts as part of resource-making processes that seek to render the Mekong’s riverine flows and environments more ‘productive’, investable and exploitable, and governable and controllable. I begin the analysis with the Mekong Delta of Vietnam, the early colonial frontier for water resourcification that has since become the part of the Mekong Basin where the plans of ‘full control’ with aspirations of ‘acclimatisation’ have been materialised to the fullest extent. I sketch out the main continuities and ruptures in the Delta’s intensive hydrosocial and agro-hydraulic ordering efforts, and outline their major effects. I then shift my attention to the more recent hydropower boom in Laos and Cambodia, and the various elements enabling it in terms of knowledge production, the new sustainability standards of hydropower dams and climate change-related rationalisations and techniques. Finally, I bring to the fore how enclavistic, post-neoliberal hydropower projects in Cambodia get entangled with other processes of resource-making, with illiberal processes of state formation and the intensification of Chinese influence. The study shows how the past and current modes of fixing hydrosocial relations have been shaped by a complex interplay of different rationales and techniques of governing. It also highlights the importance of the legacies of past hydraulic endeavours, their infrastructural powers, and those of fluvial waters. I identify two waves of hydraulic infrastructuring with differing patterns of water resourcification. Characteristic of the first wave is that resourcification efforts tended towards uniform and centrally coordinated hydrosocial orderings while the resourcification efforts of the second wave exhibit more dispersed, corporate-led modes of hydrosocial ordering. A major change in hydraulic infrastructuring has been the increasing disjointedness between damming and river basin planning because of the proliferation of concessionary hydropower projects. The contradictory predicament of the current resurgence of hydropower is that while large dams are being justified on the basis of multiplying purposes – from poverty alleviation to the better governing of climate change – the concessionary dams are, in fact, geared almost solely towards optimising riverine affordances in terms of their hydroelectricity production. The concessionary governing mode through which the enclavistic, water-resourcification pattern of second-wave dams has evolved is shown to be animated by neoliberal governing rationales but also shaped by illiberal governing logics. While the enclavistic dams strengthen corporate powers over hydrosocial relations and may limit the development of state hydraulic powers, the study also highlights effects which overflow the enclave boundaries and strengthen other aspects of party-state rule in Laos and Cambodia. The various infrastructuring efforts analysed in this study produce waterscapes that are variegated: variously networked and with divergent power formations. There is also variation in the magnitude of the effects and in the mechanisms of how the benefits and adversities of the projects are distributed. Yet all of them, including the ‘sustainable’ dams with eco-modern safeguard policies, radically disrupt fluvial relationalities, diminish possibilities for diverse and decentralised river uses, tend toward more centralised control of hydrosocial relations, and make vulnerable those with the most intimate riverine connections. Despite these similar effects, a nuanced analysis of the ordering assemblages shaping each effort of fixing the fluid is relevant, as it enables more detailed reflection on the distributed responsibilities. Overall, the analysis illustrates how large-scale hydraulic infrastructures built and planned in the Mekong Region entail drastic alterations in hydrosocial relations. Keywords: Cambodia, Clean Development Mechanism, climate change, fluvial relationalities, frontiers, hydraulic infrastructuring, hydrosocial ordering, Laos, large dams, Mekong Region, political ecology, power formations, resourcification, rivers, Vietnam
  • Mäntyneva, Päivi (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This dissertation is an institutionally oriented ethnographic study of rehabilitative work. Rehabilitative work was established and institutionalized in the early 2000s as part of the welfare state and service system. It brings together people from a wide range of life situations and authorities from various branches of government in a multidisciplinary manner. The research explores, broadens, and brings new social scientific knowledge on rehabilitation work from the perspectives of inclusion, human agency, and capabilities. The study opens up new possibilities on how social policy is pursued and implemented and not separated from the everyday lives of people. Active social policy has had tangible impacts on people’s lives in situations of extended and even chronic unemployment. Data were collected as a multi-location ethnography in three work units during 2015–2016. The fieldwork lasted eight months and was preceded by approximately six months of planning and practical preparatory work. The research material included interview materials for participants in rehabilitation work (37 in total) and fieldnotes of three units of work activities. A total of 25 interviews were conducted with participants in social rehabilitation, work placements (internships), work trials (job test participants), and employees. In addition, empirical research compiled written documents on work activities and its practices in different units. This research challenges the myth that everyone involved in rehabilitative work is in need of rehabilitation. According to the study, there are many people for whom the primary reason for participation was the lack of paid employment. Thus, the way in which rehabilitative work activities is used as part of ocial policy has changed. From the perspective of inclusion, the existence of rehabilitative work activities is unclear. Meaningful action, cohesion, and the experience of autonomy strengthened inclusion. Rehabilitative work also proved to be a part of the negative cycle of unemployment, creating a deadlock that weakened participants’ expectations for the future. The consequences of rehabilitative work activities for inclusion, human agency, and opportunities for action had been differentiated. In addition, there were differences in operating practices between work units. Without positive transitions and future horizons, the promising opportunities for rehabilitative work to promote inclusion and strengthen engagement remained temporary and interrupted, or even sudden erupted. In spite of good intentions, rehabilitative work and the capabilities it offers can strengthen social distances and exclusion rather than favourable capabilities. Theoretical concepts of this research, inclusion, human agency, and capabilities, unite all people. The strength of the policy supporting capabilities can be that it can make the direction of social policy and welfare services more sustainable. Key concepts: rehabilitative work activities, institutional ethnography, inclusion, capabilities, human agency
  • Aniluoto, Arto (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This is a comparative study of the formal organisational structures of well-established European universities. The intense contemporary scholarly discussion on the convergence versus divergence claims of universities has so far mostly not reached the actual empirical change dynamics of the universities’ organisational structures at their population level. This research contributes to that discussion by comparing the long-term development in the organisational structures of a large group of well-established European universities, and clarifies the evolution of historical university models (from their medieval beginnings, through strong 19th century national influences, to their 20th century national Higher Education System adaptations), through which both the organisational structures of universities and the higher education systems of European countries have been born, developed and replicated. The research belongs to the field of higher education research, with certain reliance also on university history. The study utilises Henry Mintzberg’s ‘structures in fives’ theory, and organisational ecology on the population level, within the framework of structural contingency theory. The research problem is to chart how the organisational structures of well-established European universities have developed since the Second World War and in relation to the convergence and divergence claims. This is achieved by comparing the universities’ organisational structures, their units and organisation levels, configuration sizes, shapes, dispersal, differentiation, attributes and affiliations with both the historical university models, and the universities as organisational populations of the higher education systems level. International longitudinal series and database data of 106 European universities are used to cover a 50-year study period from 1962 to 2013. The results demonstrate how the European universities have within the study period differentiated and multiplied many times over, both as institutions and within their internal organisational structures. In the 21st century, the changes have accelerated and their effects have differentiated, leading to new types of above-faculty layers and organisational reforms. The convergence versus divergence discussion of universities is clarified by parsing the exhibited phenomena to the three organisational levels of higher education: the local higher education institutions (HEIs), the mostly national higher education systems (HESs) and the global higher education network (GHEN). The results of the research presented can be utilised in designing university reforms and university organisations of the future, by consciously choosing from a greater set of compared structural alternatives.
  • Boonjubun, Chaitawat (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    Urban poverty remains persistent. Both the housing and employment needs of the urban poor remain key features of this social problem. Existing research has tended to explain these conditions as a function of the concentration of capital and the exploitation of labour. These are necessary, but they leave out a crucial element: urban land. The aim of this doctoral dissertation is to close this loop. Drawing on the urban land approach pioneered by Anne Haila (1988; 2016), this dissertation provides a discussion about land, not only as an explanation but also as a contributory current to ameliorating urban poverty. To do so, the dissertation examines three types of urban land—public land, private land, and religious land—and attempts to answer the following research questions: what are the urban problems concerning the uses of each land type by the poor?; why do these problems persist?; and how can they be addressed? To answer these questions, empirical materials were collected through interviewing diverse local actors; observing land use practices; and analysing official documents including laws, regulations, policies, and plans. This dissertation focuses on the interrelated notions of the right to land, the regulatory and licensing systems of public land, urban informality, gated communities, and the urban commons. Bangkok, the capital city of Thailand, provides the context for the empirical part of this research. In addition, this dissertation includes an analysis of the uses of Buddhist temple land in other Thai cities to show different characteristics of the Thai urban land system and how it can instantiate one way of enhancing the livelihoods of the urban poor. The main body of the dissertation consists of three articles. Each article investigates the uses of each land type—and the findings in these three articles flesh out the arguments, making up the substance of this dissertation. The first article analyses the goals, practices, and effects of a street clearance plan by the city government of Bangkok. Published in Cities, the article discusses street vendors' rights, property claims, conflicting interests, and varied survival strategies for coping with the eviction that affected the vendors’ lives and livelihood. The second article concerns gated communities in Bangkok. This article, published in Social Sciences, develops a context-specific conceptualisation of gating. In contrast to the prototypical Western concept of gated communities—which holds that gated communities are enclosed private residential space built exclusively for the middle class, while the poor are found in ‘informal’ settlements—the article shows the diversification of gated communities. It points out that gated communities are not only spatially constructed but also socially constructed. That is also the aim of the third article of this dissertation, accepted for publication by The American Journal of Economics and Sociology. Buddhist temples are built on a type of land where the property relations are quite distinct from both private and public land systems. Do such alternative systems of urban land tenure produce different urban forms from those of private and public tenure systems? Drawing on original data collected from Thai cities, this appears to be the case. Thai Sangha law prohibits temples from selling their land. This religious land, then, is inalienable, acting as ‘urban commons’. The results of this dissertation are summarised as follows. Firstly, the study of a city government’s plan to reorganise public land aimed at removing street vending activities from streets and using these socially ‘purified’ streets as a magnet for attracting investors and tourists unmasks the harmful effects of implementing spatial order and discipline. Street vendors were evicted, tensions between the vendors and city authorities increased, and streets became unsafe. Secondly, in examining the uses of private land, the dissertation discusses residential segregation by income and the proliferation of gated communities in Bangkok. The findings illustrate that there exist gated communities in which the urban poor are the residents; amenities and club services in gated communities are available to non-residents as well; and, the residents of gated communities seek contact and socialise with outsiders. Thirdly, the results of the empirical study on the uses of religious land demonstrate a radically different urban form. While still maintaining their role as ‘landlords’, Thai Buddhist temple caretakers are not utility-maximising. Instead, they maintain their role as social and communal landlords by leasing their land for the urban poor to use for housing, vending, and farming with nominal rents being charged. In turn, in temple urban spaces, where the moral aspect of religious land and ethical considerations on land prevail, social marginalisation is minimal. Indeed, not only are residents decently housed, their livelihoods are far more certain and rewarding. This dissertation argues that how urban land in Bangkok is currently used is overbearingly based on exchange value rather than use value. Laws and regulations concerning land and real estate development have prioritised the development of private land over the uses of land for wealth and income redistribution and poverty eradication. Moreover, as this study shows, in managing the urban land, the city government of Bangkok has apparently failed to treat public land as a public good. These are forces that have led to the persistence of urban poverty, wealth and income inequalities, and marginalisation of the poor, which together represent the pressing urban problems concerning the uses of urban land by poor people. This dissertation calls for a type of urban policy that takes into consideration the rights, interests, and livelihoods of public land users and their contributions to the city. It also questions the usefulness of the Western gated community concept and points to the importance of emphasising local and historical conditions concerning land and housing development, highlighting social norms and practices, and zooming in on socio-spatial characteristics of the neighbourhood in which gated communities are situated when analysing enclosed residential spaces and the social relations in and around them. While clearly still problematic in the sense that gating creates a spatial tension between ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’, a contrast which is often resolved by emphasising the former over the latter, appreciating local nuances within a wider global context can pave the way for alternatives. This dissertation encourages urban scholars to investigate further the existing types of urban land (non-private forms of urban land tenure such as communal land, collectively owned land, and other types of religious land) in other cities, which could be considered as alternatives to land commodification and financialisation.
  • Mykkänen, Marjaana (The Faculty of Social Sciences, 2020)
    This doctoral dissertation starts from the premise that the presence of and exposure to factual programming can have an indispensable effect on societies and individuals. The focus of the study is in the quality of and viewers’ engagement with small audience factual television programmes and programming in Finland. This dissertation explores the seemingly self-evident, quiet, uneventful television viewing, which, when examined more closely, is actually a multifaceted and rich part of factual audiences’ lives. It examines how factual programmes are experienced and connected with on an individual level and how both pleasure and public knowledge via public connection can be obtained. The vast empirical data stretches over two decades and is comprised of a large national media diary collection from 2001, a set of focus group discussions from 2006¬–2007 and social media comment samples from 2015, 2018 and 2019. The ontological focus is on the individual, private and cognitive aspects of the experiences of watching television. In this study, media ethnography and phenomenological-hermeneutic theory form a mindset for exploring and understanding the types of experiences the observed members of audiences have with factual television. When dealing with knowledge obtained through experience, the goal is not to generalise but to understand. The author of this study has pursued an understanding of audience needs and complacency from the professional position of a producer creating and transmitting media products to viewers. The study operates with the concepts of public connection, pleasure, quality, cultural property and cultivation. The analysis found that, although media penetrates all aspects of contemporary life and its use is often casual and mundane, much factual viewing can be conscious and attentive as well as selective and critical. The participants are aware and possessive of their media usage and its place in their lives. Factual viewing can be solitary, and audiences may value certain contents or genres more than those they pass more time with, since the reward for the time spent with the valued programmes can be worth more than the greater amounts of time spent with less appreciated but more popular programmes. The craving for content – for something to think about – often equals a craving for meaning and sense of coherence. An anticipated factual program can provide quality time and can be the highlight of the week. Being enlightened can also mean being delighted. Even if the media environments are dominated by change, factual reception is characterised by constancy. The findings from temporally and demographically varied datasets suggest that audiences’ core needs, expectations and engagement motives do not seem to have altered over the period examined. In search for a gratifying cultural or factual programme experience, viewers have turned to public service media where available. In Finland, Yleisradio (YLE) has been almost solely responsible for the factual supply and repertoire on television. The changes in legislation, the changes in research practices and approaches and the changes in strategic goals have resulted in significant changes in the amount and content of factual programming on YLE platforms. The volume and diversity of domestic factual production and programming have fallen significantly, and some genres have disappeared altogether. To ensure that the communication and cultural rights of all viewers are met with worthwhile choices and generic diversity, this study proposes a systematic and perpetual public consultation which offers audiences and stakeholders a layout for a television strategy and detailed program plans, including well founded factual program policies.
  • Valdur, Mari (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This thesis is an ethnographic study of how various insecurities and vulnerabilities are produced and maintained, such as the health risks of informal abortion in a context where abortion is legal. Throughout this thesis I suggest that the answer to this question has to do with particular and gendered forms of governance rather than individual experiences of the general stigmatisation of abortion. I first unfold this by taking up the concept of biopolitics and its prevalence in the anthropology of reproduction: in studying reproductive technologies, the subdiscipline has been shifting towards harvesting temporal and discursive ruptures, which is often paired with the framework of biopolitics. While biopolitics remains bound to the life of an individual, and through this to the governance of imagined wholes like populations, this study shows that when it comes to abortion and reproductive health in Ulaanbaatar, there are a number of competing conceptualisations of life at work, several of which surpass the individual lifespan. Therefore, the thesis provides a different perspective of governance as dependent on the time and place in which it occurs. I study six relevant and overlapping spaces in Ulaanbaatar: the nation state and macropolitics; religion, medicine and kinship; care and motherhood; sexuality and knowledge; biomedicine; and the medication market. Gender appears at the core of these forms of governance: for instance, through the establishment of biomedicine as a predominantly feminine sector, and reproductive healthcare as synonymous with women’s healthcare. Moving beyond ‘public’ and ‘private’, and ‘formal’ and ‘informal’, I propose that ‘doctor’ in the Mongolian reproductive healthcare system can be viewed as 'usufruct', as a type of temporary ownership: the credentials are provided by the state, but these can be used to seek profits and practice beyond what a doctor’s work involves on paper. Meanwhile, the informal abortion medication market reveals that the prevalence of informal abortion is shaped by a range of socioeconomic and healthcare system specific considerations. In this context, the seeking of trustworthy information and services draws on people as infrastructure rather than any ‘formal’ structures. This thesis is post-biopolitical in the sense that it recognises the core relevance of ethnography, gender and the need for more nuanced approaches to governance as directly and indirectly linked to reproductive health.
  • Bankovska, Agnese (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This study explores the everyday work, ideals and values of the Latvian organic food movement known as tiešā pirkšana (TP, meaning ‘direct purchasing’), an initiative which aims to shorten the physical and symbolic distance between producers and consumers; producers, market and regulating policies; and consumers and food. Drawing on the empirical material obtained through long-term ethnographic fieldwork, and theoretical discussions in social and food research, the concept of ‘reconnection’ was chosen to analyse the process of shortening the distance between the different actors involved in one small-scale food provisioning system. By focusing on the notion that there is a link between the reconnection process and the ethics and practice of care, the thesis analyses different forms of care in the various stages of food provisioning in the TP movement. Special attention in the dissertation is paid to care acts that are performed to keep the TP movement running on different levels. By suggesting that care acts in food provisioning, such as dishwashing and cooking, are ‘care not-work’, the study engages with the discussion about the relationship between recognition, acknowledgement and care acts, critically contributing to the wider debate about invisible, routine care work. Furthermore, it is proposed that care acts in the course of farm production that depend on the management of time through tempos and rhythms involve a tinkering between creativity, embodied skills and routinised repetition. The care acts on farms, households and onsite in TP’s branches are performed by and exchanged between care actors that are not just producers and consumers, but also non-human actors as well as the materialities and environments that are involved in performing the care acts. The study is based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in 2015 and 2016 during which the different stages of organic food provisioning in Latvia were examined. In the multi-sited fieldwork (farms, TP distribution locations, consumer households, educational seminars) methods of participant observation, semistructured interviews, conversations and photo diaries were applied. Research from the Global North provides well-explored claims that reconnection through care in alternative food provisioning implies a combination of nostalgia and constant adaptation to the present and future. This thesis builds on and revisits these implications by particularising the reconnection through care within the contextual specifics of Latvia as a country with a rather patchworked historical provenance.
  • Stenroos, Marko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    “Social orders, tensions and saviourism” represents an ethnography on the implementation of Finnish national policy on Roma. It draws upon two and half years of fieldwork working in a Roma project. The project aimed to tackle the poverty, exclusion, unemployment and low level of education among Roma. The project budget was three million euros and thus can be categorized as a large-scale attempt to improve Roma conditions in a country of approximately 10,000–12,000 Roma. All the activities during the project were bolstered by the European Union’s National Roma Integration Strategies (NRIS), which was active during the years 2009–2017. The name of the study, “Social orders, tensions and saviourism,” reflects the core findings of the study. It argues that the neoliberal policy-making applied to Roma people have an ideological premise that is incongruous with their social realities. The policy does not recognize the history, culture, tastes, desires or human conditions of the people it is targeting. While the social realities of Roma are incompatible with the neoliberal ideologies, such ideologies are forcefully implemented, with a combination of Roma participation and bureaucratic power, causing tension in the arena. The study identifies and elaborates three different ontological social domains which Roma are involved with during their life courses: the traditional power system, Pentecostal networks, and state order and bureaucratic power. These domains are categorical abstractions with embedded social orders and power relations. Consequently, the study argues, Roma deal with the three different forms of social orders and power relations; to characterize Roma solely as powerless people stems from the fact that commonly only one social domain – that of the state order and bureaucratic power – is elaborated. Identifying and analysing the other ontological social domains will provide a different, more holistic picture of Roma experiences. What is happening with Roma policies in Europe, including Finland, is not a new phenomenon. Similar paths are recorded and studied in development projects around the world. The theoretical framing of the study springs from the anthropology of development and anthropology of the state. The theoretical frame brings the “Roma issue” into wider developmental discourses and demonstrates how the development projects of Roma in Europe are actually backwards and not even as sophisticated as many development practices in Asia and in Africa. The neoliberal policy-making is not Roma-specific; nevertheless, that development projects inside Europe are targeting a specific ethnic group is what makes Roma development special. The theoretical frame in this study forces analysis of the Roma issue outside the Roma bubble, making it a wider issue, not a Roma issue. Each ethnographic chapter in this study introduces elements that together construct a Roma social ontology. To answer the question what social ontology means in respect to Finnish Roma is to elaborate on education, employment and Roma economy in the realm of the state and bureaucratic powers.
  • Tarkiainen, Laura (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This thesis summarises three original peer-reviewed articles and a concluding section from individual sub-studies. In general, this thesis focuses on the discursive constructions of prolonged unemployment in Finland drawing from interview data collected amongst 70 long-term unemployed individuals and 34 frontline workers, as well as the discourse from MPs during Finnish parliamentary discussions. Thus, this study analyses the talk from three actors vis-à-vis Finnish activation policy—that is, policymakers, those who implement the policy (frontline workers) and those who are the targets of activation (unemployed persons). The three sub-studies focus on the analysis of: (I) different resistance strategies adopted by long-term unemployed Finns as a means to address their deservingness in interview settings. (II) positions frontline workers construct for their unemployed clients as a means to situate their responsibilities related to enhancing employability and activation. (III) different constructions and factuality-enhancement strategies through which Finnish MPs construct the deservingness and undeservingness of unemployed individuals as a means to legitimise or object to policy addressing activation. The synthesis of these three sub-studies sets out to understand how different actors involved in Finnish activation policy present unemployed people’s agency in their discourse. In particular, the analysis focuses on how unemployed subjects are held as morally responsible as well as how freeing them from responsibility is enacted through talk. Methodologically, this thesis adheres to discursive and narrative methods, which can be placed under the rubrics of social constructionist ‘discourse analysis’ and ‘discursive psychology’. The synthesis presented here is contextualised within the discursively oriented literature on deservingness and responsibilisation, as well as within research on policy developments aimed at promoting the employability of those individuals experiencing prolonged unemployment. This synthesis reveals three key ways in which unemployed people’s agency is presented across all actors’ talk. These three key agential constructs are labelled othered, victimised and entrepreneurial agency, all of which influence the ways in which the responsibilities and deservingness of unemployed people is negotiated when talking about prolonged unemployment. In general, the findings presented here indicate that a deserving long-term unemployed subject is constructed either as exercising entrepreneurial or victimised agency and not held responsible due to the demonstration of effort-making or genuine need. Othered agency, by contrast, associates with irresponsibility and morally unacceptable behaviour and a strong personal responsibility. Similarities across all actors’ talk reveal the culturally dominant ways in which prolonged unemployment are constructed around age-old ideas of deservingness as well as contemporary ideals of personal responsibility related to ‘active citizenship’. Keywords: deservingness, responsibilities, prolonged unemployment, employability, activation, discursive methods.
  • Grigor, Irina (Unigrafia, 2020)
    Russia has been involved in two major geopolitical conflicts in recent years: the Ukraine crisis and the civil war in Syria. Since Russia’s involvement in the Ukraine crisis in 2013-2014, many commentators have pointed to the effectiveness of the Russian strategic narratives to explain the support the Kremlin enjoys at home and abroad. Although Russia's use of information as a weapon is not new, in the light of the limited transparency of Russian strategic thinking, studying Russia’s discursive environment and, in particular, strategic narratives becomes critical. Therefore, the concept of strategic narrative plays a central role in assembling the main argument for this doctoral thesis. The concept provides a foundation for the analytical framework to explore a set of media frames purposefully embedded into television news to reinforce, subvert, undermine, overwhelm or replace a pre-existing discourse on a subject significant to both the audience and the ‘speaker’ that is often a political elite. The main focus of the dissertation is on the visuals employed in the Russian television news, which have received surprisingly little scholarly attention to date. A starting point is the desire to obtain a deeper understanding of how the Russian government’s complex and controversial political decisions are legitimized on television, and also, and most importantly, to determine what role images play in advancing the strategic narratives that justify violence, human costs and engagement in military conflicts. For that, I adopt three distinct perspectives. First is a comparative perspective, which contrasts the narratives produced for two different audiences — domestic and foreign. It also compares the strategic narratives constructed around two different conflicts — the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine and the civil war in Syria. Second is a retrospective perspective, which explores the narratives not only in terms of their current application but also as a process that has been evolving over a two-year period of time. Third, the dissertation employs a hybrid media perspective to explore the interactions between mainstream media and social media. These three perspectives, in combination, encompass a comprehensive and longitudinal investigation of Russian strategic narratives as a representation of the weaponized information. The combination of qualitative and quantitative methods adds ‘depth’ and ‘breadth’ dimensions to the dissertation’s analytical spectrum. The thesis represents a compilation of four articles. Each article illuminates one of three perspectives adopted in the dissertation. The articles highlight the results which demonstrate that the approach adopted in this dissertation is important for several reasons. First, while much of the media and international relations literature focuses on projection or reception of strategic narratives, there is almost no research which offers deep insights into strategic narrative as a process that can develop or be modified over the course of time to account for changes in political goals or target audiences. What happens to a dominant, established strategic narrative when the context changes? This dissertation aims to fill this gap by studying Russia’s dominant strategic narratives in television news from comparative, retrospective and hybrid media perspectives. Second, this dissertation argues that strategic narratives gain their power through images that invoke collective emotions and ideas, like sympathy or aversion while reinforcing existing political myths, cultural stereotypes and historical memory. Thus, the thesis conceptualises visual images as affective anchors that can be used to reactivate collective memory and dominant discourses and construct emotional relationships between the audiences and mediated events. Finally, wartime images studies anticipate, but rarely empirically examine the television images that are employed to mediate the contemporary conflicts. This dissertation extends the understanding of how the Russian television visually mediates the conflicts to advance the state’s interpretation of the events and justify the country’s involvement in the international conflicts to domestic and global audiences.
  • Helmisaari, Vappu (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    The thesis examines how Thomas Hobbes’s (1588–1679) political thinking is present in three Italian philosophers’ work: Giorgio Agamben (born 1942), Roberto Esposito (born 1950) and Antonio Negri (born 1933). In this sense, it is a reception study of Hobbes’s work in contemporary Italy, more specifically among the Italian biopolitical school. The thesis is in the field of political theory. Quentin Skinner’s work on Hobbes is briefly presented to add a point of comparison to the Italians’ view on Hobbes and to their methodology. The focus of the study is on the Italians’ and Hobbes’s differences in regard to war. The three Italians see war as contrary to how Hobbes saw it: for Hobbes, the sovereign was the one who ended the state of nature which is a state of war, and for the Italians, the sovereign order means a state of war, although this is not always visible. The perspective and method of this enterprise is to look for references of Thomas Hobbes, and more largely, of Hobbesian themes in the writings of Agamben, Esposito and Negri, and to see how they relate to the question of war. Agamben and Negri believe we live in a permanent state of civil war – a civil war, because we live in a world which has no outside. Esposito criticizes Hobbes’s use of the state of nature as an artificial threat to keep the people in a state of fear. All these three Italians come to a different conclusion from Hobbes about the nature of war, as they claim that war does not end by handing power over to the sovereign, but that sovereignty is the prerequisite for waging war in different forms. The three philosophers present alternatives to the sovereignty-based organization of politics. For Agamben, one solution is withdrawal from activity, “inoperativity”. For Esposito, the solution is a community based on non-reciprocal gifts, which he claims is the opposite of Hobbes’s state, based on contract. He wants to enable new spaces of the common and sees hope in recent theoretical discussions on the common good. Negri differs from the two others since he, together with Michael Hardt, explores sovereignty, which is extended to the global level instead of nation-states. However, Hardt and Negri also outline a Multitude which fights the global sovereignty of Empire and rules itself autonomously. All three Italians have an idea of a community that is different from the state sovereignty of nation-states.
  • Seikkula, Minna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    This thesis explores antiracism by activists and professionalized civil society in mid-2010s Finland. It develops and diversifies an established but less elaborated notion that antiracism is not merely opposition to racism. As such, the thesis provides analytical interpretations of antiracism’s variations and the scope and limits of different antiracist approaches and the related definitions of racism. The analysis is situated in a period when several discussions on antiracism were evolving. The study builds on interviews with activists engaged in grassroots antiracist initiatives; texts produced by antiracist bloggers; non-governmental organizations’ antiracist campaigns; and a complementary set of participatory observation in antiracist events. The different antiracist initiatives observed in the study could be described in generalizing terms as association-driven antiracism; antiracist self-representation by people of colour; antiracism against the far and extreme right; and antiracist activism for migrants’ rights. The analysis of the data is based on an understanding that the observed antiracisms both reproduce and, at least locally, reshape the existing discussions on race and racialization. The dissertation is situated in the field of critical race and whiteness studies. The key concepts derive from critical analyses of race, racism and antiracism. More specifically, the thesis draws on a set of concepts that have been used to explicate the ways in which race and racism or normative whiteness are systematically dismissed as a part of social reality. At the same time, the thesis strives to show the ways in which the hegemonic order is challenged in the context of the data. The thesis arrives at four main conclusions. First, it addresses differences between conceptions of racism as an exception, a singular, event-bound phenomenon and a part of a structure. While exceptionalist views on racism and discussion on events are common in the data, there are efforts to address racism as structural phenomenon. Relatedly, as the second main finding, the thesis shows how exceptionalist understandings of racism are produced through intersectional categorizations other than those constituting racialization. This means that the societal significance of racism is diminished through connecting racism to societal margins or connecting it to a specific age group. The third main finding suggests that antiracisms differ from each other significantly according to the ways they (do not) address racialization and whiteness. Finally, a majority of the antiracist initiatives explored focus on different types of exclusions as opposed to understandings of racism as exploitation. In brief, the thesis discusses the distinct uses of the label antiracism, and antiracist conceptions of racism in civil society in Finland and it provides analytical understandings of similarities and differences between distinct antiracist approaches, strategies, and ways of conceiving racism.
  • Autio, Jaakko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    The study examines the changing, shaping and emergence of the Oy Arabia Ab strategy at the end of the 1960s towards the end of the 1980s, i.e., after the golden age of Finnish design. This period is characterised by the opening up of the international economy and the tightening of the competition due to increasing imports. I study how the company strives strategically to solve the challenges of productivity and internationalisation and how decision-making related to organisation, management and ownership is linked to strategic planning. In addition, I examine how Arabia integrates design management and leadership into its strategy thus responding to the new requirements of consumers and the challenges of the business environment. During the research period, the relationship with the parent company Oy Wärtsilä Ab frames Arabia's strategy. I approach strategic management and planning in the context of business history, which focuses on the long-term strategic planning, change, and construction of a new strategy. I use ambidexterity as an analytical tool. Thus, the research focuses on the company's ability to utilise existing resources (exploitation) and to innovate new strategic objectives and practices (exploration). The research material consists of three datasets related to the strategic management and planning of the studied company: 1) archive material, 2) customer, personnel and other stakeholder magazines, and 3) other printed sources (e.g. annual reports, articles in the press). I approach the company’s strategy narratively, on the basis of which I create three strategic narratives: ownership and organisation, productivity and internationalisation. The narrative of ownership and organisation frames the construction of the company’s strategy in terms of the need to create a strong internationalising Nordic design company, the need to modernise the organisational structure, as well as the tensions ensuing from the parent company Wärtsilä, which simultaneously provides opportunities for innovation. The productivity-strategic narrative is structured as a transition from technical quality to designed overall quality, and from trademark policy to brand management. In order to meet customer needs, the sales policy transforms towards the development of the product range, product innovations and business networks. The narrative of internationalisation is based on the expansion of the domestic market to the Nordic countries, the pursuit of new markets in countries appreciating the Scandinavian design taste, and the creation of sales channels, ownership, forms of cooperation and networks. During the research period, Oy Arabia Ab develops into a company that strengthens systematic strategic management under the protection of the parent company. The company transforms from a manufacturing and selling strategy towards design management, combining aesthetic product design, innovativeness, brand construction and market dynamics. This strategic change enables Arabia to rely ambidextrously on existing strengths and skills and at the same time seek a new, innovative direction for business. The ambidextrous strategy based on exploitation and exploration is path-dependent. I suggest that the company’s strategy also leans on path-creativity instead of mere path-dependency. I argue that the design management approach strengthens the organisation's ambidextrous capabilities together with the simultaneity of exploitation and exploration. This lays the foundation for path-creativity.
  • Hirvonen, Juha (Helsingin yliopisto, 2020)
    The member states are challenged to restructure their welfare policies within the European Union's (EU) employment strategy. Inclusion policy, which is also central to the employment strategy, is driven on the Union's side primarily by the objectives of economic growth and high employment. Based on these starting points, opportunities policy and social investments have become key factors in building inclusion. Previous relevant research has also shown how the emphasis on active employment policies has led to a partial dismantling of the value base of the welfare state and social policy. Accordingly, the inclusion to social benefits and public services has become a tool for employment and economic growth. Marshall’s citizenship theory and Esping-Andersen’s theory of regimes serve as the basic theories for this research, because they still frame the current debate on inclusion. Based on current inclusion discussion, this study creates theoretical models that, as guiding trajectories, rebuild, challenge, and guide the inclusion policies of the basic theories. In the reconstruction of social citizenship, I seek to complement the empirical, categorical, and definitional shortcomings of Marshall’s theory. The neoliberal model emphasising individual responsibility forms a position that challenges the traditional welfare state. The European social model and the associated moderate modernisation, as well as the employment strategy process working on it, stimulate the ideological struggle for meaning in the context of the inclusion debate. In this research, I examine from a comparative perspective how the Union and its two member states, Finland and the United Kingdom, construct inclusion in the context of the European Employment Strategy process. An examination of these member states representing a common welfare state tradition, but two different welfare regimes, provides a comparative research with two turning points in the strategy process. The 1998 strategy after the recession of the 1990s formed the first step in the common employment strategy with the Treaty of Amsterdam. The Europe 2020 strategy, which continues this employment strategy, is the second turn phase after the European economic crisis at the end of the first decade of the 21st century. The strategy is based on so-called open method of coordination, which is a dialogue between the Union's strategic proposals and the national programs that implement them. By the research set-up, I examine how Finland and the United Kingdom respond to the meaning impulses of the Union's inclusion concepts from their own regimes. First, I study the formation of inclusion as thematic constructs guided by theoretical thought patterns. Next, I utilise the division of functional structures included in Ricoeur’s narrative analysis, which forms an orientation for narratives constructing inclusion. By structural analysis, I evaluate how the importance of the welfare state and the market economy as political traditions shapes the narratives of the EU and the two member states on their own employment policies and, more broadly, on their welfare state thinking. Finally, the narrative analysis forms a synthesis for the totality of political thought. It is therefore a question of how the welfare state is modelled after the recessions of the 1990s and 2000s. The study shows how the view of the welfare state in the EU, Finland, and the United Kingdom has been moving during the strategy process. In the context of the employment process, there has been both narrowing and widening in terms of the meaning and tasks of the welfare society. This research supports to direct inclusion policies for the reconciliation of the pillars of welfare state, family, education and work, and the cleavages which associate with them. Finding solutions for the implementation of such a multilateral policy will require further development of interdisciplinary research and cross-administrative cooperation.

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