Valtiotieteellinen tiedekunta


Recent Submissions

  • Ahola, Salla (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    Laypeople’s stances towards expert knowledge and the relationships of personal values to such stances are little studied and remain less than clear. The purpose of this dissertation was to shed more light on these stances and their relationships to personal values, and thereby to contribute to a greater understanding of them. More specifically, this study focusses on the readiness of laypeople to question experts’ views, their non-adherence to doctors’ instructions, and their preferences to seek health advice or treatment from either medical experts (i.e. doctors) or from practitioners of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) as well as the associations of personal values with each of these. This study used population-based samples from a range of European countries. One of the three sub-studies used survey data collected in Finland for the specific purposes of this study and the other two sub-studies used open-access data from the European Social Survey. The data was mostly quantitative and was analysed using statistical methods, such as logistic regression analysis. The first of the three sub-studies examined the ten values specified in Schwartz’s (1992) theory of basic human values as well as the values of rational truth and non-rational truth proposed by Wach and Hammer (2003b). The results showed that the values of rational truth and power were positively associated with the readiness to question experts’ views (RQEV), whereas the values of security, conformity and tradition were negatively associated with RQEV. Moreover, the analysis of laypeople’s reasons for not disagreeing with experts indicated that these reasons were related to individual factors (personal characteristics, unwillingness to disagree and trust in experts), situational factors (importance of the issue and practical realities), social risks and views on experts. The results of the second sub-study indicated that endorsing openness-to-change values (vs. conservation values) was positively associated with non-adherence to doctors’ instructions. In the third sub-study, endorsing conservation values (vs. openness-to-change values) was found to be positively associated with preferring doctors’ consultations and negatively associated with preferring other practitioners and with the use of CAM treatments. It was also found that valuing self-transcendence (vs. self-enhancement) was positively associated with CAM use. Furthermore, a context-specific factor, namely country-level personal freedom, was found to be negatively associated with the preference to consult doctors, and positively associated with preferring other practitioners and the use of CAM. This study demonstrates that taking into account motivational constructs, such as personal values, contributes to an understanding of how laypeople relate to expert knowledge.
  • Marttila, Jouko (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    The doctoral thesis of Jouko Marttila, Master of Social Sciences, in the field of political history puts in the historical context the convergence of economic policies of the National Coalition Party and the Social Democratic Party. The study focuses on party programmes with their ideological objectives and on two chronological phases in the post war economic policy of these two parties. The first phase deals with the economic policy after Korpilampi conference in the late 1970 s. The second phase concentrates on co-operation between conservatives and social democrats in prime minister Harri Holkeri´s government in 1987-1990. The study describes how the National Coalition Party and the Social Democratic Party converged their economic policies despite of opposite starting points and ended in favour of common economic policy limited market economy. The Coalition Party transformed its policy from people's capitalism and the market economy towards welfare state ideology. SDP aspired to reconcile the socialist planned economy with the market economy. In practise the solution for both parties was restrained market economy within the Nordic welfare model. The traditional ideological ideals and objectives were left behind. The dissertation shows how the global economy, changes in social and economic structures, and the internal political power struggle affected the implementation of economic policies. SDP had to adjust their policies in an environment where international oil crisis did not eventually lead to the overthrow of capitalism, but instead made the centralized economic planning and state control as well as implementation of Keynesian policies redundant. At the same time the growth of middle class voters strengthened the support for the Coalition Party. Based on the dissertation SDP's ideological transformation was deeper than Coalition Party's. SDP abandoned the goal of full employment and democratic socialism and accepted the basic principles of market economy. The Coalition Party distanced itself from capitalism and employers agenda when it defended the working life reforms that strengthened the position of employees. The partial privatization of state-owned companies served the goals of both parties. For the Coalition Party it meant extension of shareholding society, for the social democrats it meant democratisation of capital in limited market economy.
  • Salojärvi, Virpi (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    The dissertation investigates the role of media in political conflict during President Hugo Chávez s administration (1999-2013). This conflict is understood as antagonism where the political opponent is seen as an enemy instead of a more equal adversary. In Venezuela, private media were powerful economic and political actors before Chávez s era due to clientelistic tradition. President Chávez questioned the neoliberal measures taken by previous governments and started to apply his politics of the socialism of 21st century in a manner that shaped his government s media policies. Several private media outlets disagreed with his drastic measures and took them as an attack. Confrontation developed between the private media and state media sectors. This polarized situation offers an excellent case study to focus on the construction of hegemonies in a populist context, and the media s role in it because the society was penetrated by politics. Researching hegemonies should take into account differing parties of the conflict, which includes a variety of groups, even though on a macro level they are often treated as unified blocs. Thus, creating unity (the feeling of us ) becomes important in order for hegemonies to operate. A theoretical framework of hegemonies, antagonism, and populism frames examination of a variety of case studies, including newspaper content and the discourses of different media actors, with analyses of content, frame, visual rhetoric, and argumentation analysis. Three core findings are presented. First, in Venezuela during this period there were two populist power blocs, the Chavistas and their opposition, who both tried to create (counter-)hegemonic power and appeal to the people. Second, in a situation of hegemonic battles, the media functions as constructor of unity. As a result of the media s role in unifying the groups and constructing common identities, it became especially significant in this power struggle. Third, the construction of populist signifiers, which serve the function of forming group cohesion, is a process where collective memories and values play essential roles. Ultimately, values in hegemony are not only forced from above but also rise from below as individuals adopt different values and make them personal, and in this way construct their own meanings for populist signifiers.
  • Saari, Milja (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    This dissertation focuses on the politics of equal pay and unequal pay between women and men as a political and legal question in corporatist Finland in the 21st century. Its aim is to analyse what kinds of discursive and institutional orders frame the politics of equal pay and what these orders tell us about gendered power orders in Finnish gender equality policies and gender equality promotion. The study first asks how unequal pay gets represented as a social and political problem. Second, it examines how anti-discrimination legislation - which prohibits wage discrimination based on sex and demands employers to promote equal pay - clashes with wages as a negotiation issue (belonging to collective bargaining) in the political process of the formation of equal pay duties and in their implementation in workplaces. Third, the study analyses what kinds of challenges current right wing-conservative and neoliberal times mean for gender equality and equal pay policies, to their themes, institutions, language and actors. In the dissertation equal pay is analysed from a multidispiclinary perspective as an issue of gender equality policies, trade market policies and gender equality law. The dissertation includes five articles and a summary chapter. The study is framed with theoretical discussions on gender, power and corporatism and research on discourses, institutions and actors. The key theory applied is new feminist institutionalism in political science and the analysis of official and unofficial institutions from the perspective of gender. The main methodologies and methods in the dissertation are feminist discursive reading, Carol Bacchi's What is the Problem Represented to Be approach, feminist action research and research on equality promotion. The dissertation shows that the Paradigm of Benefits has gained the position of a hegemonic discourse in the politics of equal pay. In the Paradigm of Benefits equal pay is represented as a negotiation issue instead of framing it as a fundamental and human right. In gender equality politics there is a shift taking place and the direction is towards right-wing/conservative politics that focuses on individuals, neoliberal logics of the market and its discourses. The main conclusion of the dissertation is that the politics of equal pay should be understood as an area of human rights politics and the Finnish state should take more responsibility in implementing the principle of equal pay. The dissertation opens a new view on the politics of equal pay and through this also on representative democracy, fundamental and human rights, the reconfiguration of the corporatist system and the power relations between genders.
  • Sirniö, Outi (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    The resources possessed by one generation have a substantial impact on the life chances of the following generation. Parental material, social, and cultural resources influence children s educational attainment and occupational career paths. This study provides new information about socioeconomic attainment by concentrating on income ranking, especially the lowest and highest income levels. The subject of this study is related to the on-going discussion about equality in life chances; often inequality resulting from family background is considered to violate the norms of equal opportunity. This study evaluates how the socioeconomic characteristics of parents and events during the early-adulthood life course are associated with a person s achieved income level in adulthood. A longitudinal register-based data that covered the period 1970 2012 were used. The information on income was obtained from tax authorities and incorporated all forms of taxable income. Approximately 75 percent of Finns in their thirties have entered an income quintile different from that of their family of origin. The findings of this study demonstrated, first, that the lowest and the highest levels of income distribution had the most pronounced persistence across generations. Second, this intergenerational association between parental and offspring s income remained after adjustments for parental and offspring s characteristics. Third, no substantial change across cohorts from the 1990s onward occurred among men whereas a slightly strengthening intergenerational association was found among women with low-income parental background. Fourth, the results showed that the effects of parental background on income attainment are found at different stages of an offspring s life course; even within the same completed educational level, individuals from backgrounds with a higher parental income gained a higher income after graduation. Finally, the effects of educational attainment, labor market integration, and family formation on adult incomes are modified by parental background; a higher parental income compensates when disadvantageous life events occur, shielding offspring from poorer outcomes. This dissertation shows that inequality in Finland is specifically linked to the ends of the stratification. The resources of those with low and high income are differentiated so that social mobility is clearly hindered among those in the lowest social position, while those in the highest position maintain their privileges. The study further established that the intergenerational mechanisms creating outcomes in adulthood differ by gender, possibly owing to structural factors such as a gendered labor market. The study also demonstrated that intergenerational associations are complex combinations of life events and different parental resources: family background influences the transitions across young adulthood as well as the achieved social outcomes. This implies that enhancing understanding of stratification and intergenerational transmission entails implementing a broader approach, taking into account the cumulative nature of socioeconomic and demographic factors.
  • Pönkä, Harri (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    This thesis is a collection of four self-contained essays that discuss time series applications of binary response models. Although popular in microeconometric applications using cross-sectional data, this class of models is not among the most commonly used ones in time series econometrics. Nevertheless, these models hold interesting possibilities to various forecasting issues in empirical macroeconomics and finance. The most common time series application of binary response models, or more specifically probit models, has been recession forecasting. In this context, these models have been applied ever since Estrella and Hardouvelis (1991) used them to study U.S. recession periods. The application to recession forecasting is a natural one, due to the binary nature of the dependent variable, as business cycle turning points determine the economy into periods of expansion and recession. An obvious advantage of binary response models over models designed for continuous, real-valued dependent variables is that they provide probability forecasts to decision makers. Due to this convenient property, there are a number of potential applications for these models, where the decision makers are after a yes or no decision. One of these is predicting movements in the direction of asset prices, and basing investment decisions on these predictions. The directional predictability of excess stock market returns has previously been studied by, for example, Leung et al. (2000), Nyberg (2011), and Chevapatrakul (2013) and the findings have been promising when compared with those obtained using traditional methods, such as the conventional predictive regressions. This thesis extends the previous research on both predicting the direction of asset returns (Chapters 2-4) and state of the business cycle (Chapter 5). The most important connection between the essays in this thesis is the use of a common methodology, i.e. the probit model. Along with the new empirical results I also contribute to the previous literature by developing and employing new methods. In Chapter 3, written jointly with Henri Nyberg, we develop a new bivariate probit model allowing for contemporaneous effects. In Chapters 3, 4, and 5, I consider another way to assess the accuracy of probability forecasts, the Receiver Operating Characteristic (ROC) curve that was originally developed for radar signal detection.
  • Vesa, Juho (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    In the Finnish consensus democracy, public discussion has traditionally played a small role in policymaking. Consensus and compromises have been built within small circles of policymakers behind closed doors, and the strong position of civil servants, president and interest organizations has limited public discussion. Institutional and cultural changes have, however, created new pressures for policymakers to act in media publicity. The norm of openness has been strengthened in society (i.e. policymaking is expected to be more transparent than before); politics has been mediatized (i.e. the significance of media in politics seems to have increased); the role of committees has been reduced in policy preparation; and parliamentarism has been strengthened. This thesis examines how openly Finnish policymakers (i.e. politicians, civil servants and interest organizations) act towards public discussion. It studies how policymakers participate in discussions taking place in media publicity, what kind of rules on public communication policymaking institutions include and how institutions have reacted to the strengthening of the norm of openness. The study also asks how strongly policymaking is mediatized i.e. what is the significance of media publicity in policymaking and to what extent does the news media affect policymaking. The article-based thesis is based on two case studies and a survey of members of parliament (MPs). The case studies focus on a social security reform committee (2007 2009) and a government s programme to increase productivity in state administration (2002 2011). Case study data consists of interviews with policymakers and journalists, media articles, government information material and policy documents. MPs were surveyed on the news media s agenda-setting power (i.e. the media s influence on political institution agendas). The results show that the tradition of looking for a consensus constrains the openness of public discussion in Finland. Policymakers prefer not to talk about policy negotiations in detail in public because publicity can freeze negotiations. The way that members of the multi-party government manage the news can weaken accountability by reducing citizens possibilities to evaluate politicians behaviour. Policymakers manage publicity through common publicity rules. For instance, ministers are not usually expected to make public statements during tripartite policy preparation. Citizens and the media, however, presume openness. Thus, policymakers cannot withdraw completely from publicity. They have created public information practices that simultaneously meet the expectations of openness and secure working peace for policy preparation. For instance, policymakers can publish information regarding policy preparation actively but on such a general level that it does not lead to public discussion. Civil servants, who act in a neutral way regarding publicity, often have a central role in informing the public, which can narrow publicity and transparency. Moreover, the majority of MPs think that the news media s behaviour affects public discussions much more than policy processes and decisions made by the government and parliament. Results indicate that the core of policymaking is often still rather isolated from publicity. Media publicity affects symbolic politics (i.e. politicians competition for voters) more than actual decisions. Policymaking institutions have developed means to protect policy processes against media publicity and the demands for openness. Results support conclusions of earlier research, suggesting that mediatization is rather shallow: it has changed symbolic politics and public information activities more than policymaking.
  • Danielsbacka, Mirkka (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    Intergenerational relations have in recent decades become an integral part of both sociology and evolutionary research. These disciplines are, however, rarely in dialogue with each other. The present study is a social and public policy thesis, the main purpose of which is to combine theories from family sociology and evolutionary theory. Empirically, the study asks the following question: What factors are associated with the strengths and weaknesses of intergenerational relations, grandparental care and differences between types of grandparents? The thesis consists of five empirical articles and a summary chapter. The sub-studies were conducted with three large and representative surveys, which include respondents from 16 European countries. These datasets are the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe, the Involved Grandparenting and Child Well-Being Survey, and the Generational Transmissions in Finland data. The Methods used in the empirical articles are quantitative. Article I tested and gained support for the existence of a biased grandparental investment pattern where the maternal grandmother invests the most, followed by the maternal grandfather, the paternal grandmother and finally by the paternal grandfather, who invests the least. In addition, the study showed that grandmothers as well as grandfathers invest preferentially in their daughters children compared to their sons if both options are available. Thus gender and lineage of a grandparent are important factors determining grandparental investment. Articles II and III examined family dynamics, especially between young couples and their parents-in-law, and detected a significant difference in emotional closeness as well as conflict proneness according to whether or not the couple had children. In general, women and men perceived their relationship with their own parents to be emotionally closer but also more conflict-prone than their relationship with their parents-in-law. Particularly for men, having children seemed to render the relationship with parents-in-law more similar to their relationship with their own parents. Article IV studied more closely the socio-ecological factors associated with grandparental investments, and showed that the effect of these factors tend to differ according to grandparents sex and lineage. Finally, in article V the marital status of grandparents was found to be strongly associated with their investments in their grandchildren. Living without a spouse appeared to be more detrimental to grandfathers than grandmothers relationships with their grandchildren. To conclude, intergenerational relations and grandparental investments are biased according to both gender and kin lineage and tend to favour maternal kin. This can ultimately be accounted for by evolutionary explanations, especially sex-specific reproductive strategies and paternity uncertainty. In certain situations, and especially when taking into account in-law relations between parental and grandparental generations, contextual factors may restrict the typical associations between gender, lineage and grandparental investment behaviour. At the end of the summary chapter policy and practical implications of the results are discussed.
  • Poutanen, Petro (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    In concert with the emergence of cross-disciplinary collaborative working practices, the demands of creativity and innovation in working life have increased. The problems of the 21st Century are inherently complex and require the creative contributions of multiple stakeholders to solve them. Furthermore, working life settings are often ad hoc and diverse in their nature, making collaboration challenging in terms of creative synergy. However, creativity has been predominantly studied from the individual perspective, meaning the research tradition is out of step with changes in working practices as it does not provide guidance for complex creative and interactional processes. Therefore, new approaches that account for the complexity of human interaction and collaboration need to be developed to better understand what creativity is and how it can emerge from synergy between people who are very different from each other. This is the focus of the dissertation. This dissertation argues that creative collaboration can be approached through the lens of the theories about complex systems. These theories conceptualize creative collaboration as an interactive and emergent phenomenon, in which creativity emerges continuously and unpredictably from the interactions of the actors and elements of the system. This argument is investigated in this study by developing a research framework based on the theories of complex systems and examining creative collaboration through empirical case studies that were conducted in the context of innovation camps. The proposed research framework emphasises three important points of attention when studying creative collaboration: temporal patterns, social mechanisms, and meanings and communication. The findings of the explorative research suggest several interesting research avenues. Firstly, the creative process seems to follow unanticipated temporal orders, including points of sudden discontinuities. This suggests that a creative process requires patience for an efficient working mode to emerge. Secondly, the mechanism of emergence describes how a system of contributors includes both individual and collective level knowledge, skills and memory. This suggests that the emergence of shared practices in a group setting requires a certain level of autonomy and self-direction. Thirdly, human creativity is a process of symbolic exchange and meaning-making. The acknowledgement of the constructive communicative nature of the creative process helps individuals involved in a creative collaborative process understand how different interpretative frames can contribute to a creative process, which stands in contrast to the information transmission-based understanding of communication and knowledge building. This dissertation incorporates two conceptual and three empirical articles that are further developed in the concluding article.
  • Kara, Hanna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    Latin American women represent an emblematic group in contemporary South to North labour migration. The Spanish immigration boom from the 1990s up to the time of the economic crisis has also shown a high propensity of women migrants from this region. While it is important to recognise women migrants as economically active workers and breadwinners, paying attention only to the work that migrants do, excludes a vast diversity of desires and trajectories. Migrants are often granted positions not connected with full subjectivity. This study creates knowledge collaboratively with Latin American migrant women on their everyday lives in Barcelona and studies their subjectivities as transnational migrants. Subjectivity is understood as formed and exercised in relation to individual life course, generational attachments and the larger fabric of intersecting structural hierarchies in a certain time-space context. The empirical phase was conducted in Barcelona between March and May 2012 in a collaborative process with fifteen participants from nine different Latin American and Caribbean countries. The empirical method consisted of two loosely-structured thematic interviews with each participant, complemented by the participative use of creative research methods which offered the participants the possibility to explore the research topics through different creative means. The ontological and epistemological framework draws from critical realism and postcolonial feminism. The main theoretical tools are found in: 1) migration theorising, specifically transnational migration research, 2) the notion of time in migration, 3) an intersectional approach on migration. The experiences and consequences of migration and migration status are analysed inside intersecting social hierarchies, namely the ones referring to country or region of origin, ethnic origin, social class, age and life course and gender. The results shed light to the ways in which time-space autonomy , migrancy and belonging are conditioned and yet negotiable. Irregular migration status often represented restricted movement in the city, insecurity and lack of information. Migration regulations were linked with time experiences of suspension, uncontrollability and liminality . Yet migration may also stand for an increase in time-space autonomy, even in a situation of migration status irregularity, as the consequences of migration status are relational, contextual and intersectional. The (in)visibility of certain intersectional locations is turned into (in)visibility of migrancy. The idea of detached, planned and informed migration does not hold, but risk-taking, surprises and uncertainty prevail. Liminality and unpredictability may also be desired consequences of migration. This addresses the complex intersectional contexts of privilege and disadvantage in which people move. Belonging was also connected with (in)visibility. The results point to a nexus between origin, language and belonging and emphasise the intersectional and contextual nature of belonging. The results also challenge interpretations in which economic downturn is automatically considered to lead to return migration, and question the persistent image of the economic migrant reflected in them. Often neglected in previous research, women s transnational daughterhood became salient, highlighting the multiple intergenerational caring roles of migrant women. The quantity as well as the quality of transnational contacts varied, due, for instance, to economic resources. This shaped the ways transnational affective ties and support were lived. Migrancy became synonymous with not belonging here yet nor there anymore. Yet the accounts were not only of loss and yearning, but importantly also of adaptation, reformulation and creation of new rhythms, routines and ways to be . Keywords: transnational migration, Latin American women migrants, Spain s immigration boom, subjectivity, intersectionality, time, (in)visibility, critical realism, postcolonial feminism, creative research methods, collaborative research methods, multi-language research.
  • Vauhkonen, Jussi (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    The Finnish old-age security system is based on a combination of a universal flat-rate pension (since 1939) and an earnings-related pension (since 1962) that covers all employees. Both are mandatory public pensions. Until the ear-ly 1980s, however, there was also a law dating from the early 18th century obliging employers to support workers who had served more than 20 years regardless of their ability to work. This statutory obligation could be referred to as employers poor relief duty. Earlier research has considered this statute to be obsolete, but this study shows that it was an actual part of policies advanced by Finnish employers organisations from the late 1920s until the 1960s. The employers organisa-tions integrated the ancient paragraph into their policies regarding both pub-lic pension programmes and employment relations. The present study argues that this was mainly done by modernising the paternalistically motivated employer policy known as welfare work. The employers sought to frame any public social provision with the employer-led welfare work. After the Second World War, this mode of thought and action lived alongside the newly estab-lished collective bargaining system. With an historical institutionalist approach and based on the theory of gradual institutional change by James Mahoney and Kathleen Thelen, the study finds that old-age security in Finland has been formed through a process of layering. There is only one deviation from this path, namely the 1956 basic pension reform in which a previous institution was displaced. The evidence from this study shows that the layering was a result of a political system in which veto possibilities were abundant. In particular, the minority protection rule established in the 1906 parliamentary reform proved to be effective in maintaining the status quo. The findings of this study are largely consistent with the Mahoney and Thelen theory. The study, titled Elatuksesta eläkkeeseen (From employers poor relief duty to workers pension rights), sheds new light on the process of modernisation and informs the reader of employers policies and pensions in Finland. Keywords: employers, historical institutionalism, labour market organisations, pensions, retirement, welfare work
  • Pellander, Saara (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    This thesis explores the normative underpinnings of family migration in public discourses, in policies and their implementation. At the same time, it investigates the normative frameworks that regulations on family migration create. The relationship between family norms and immigration control is mutually co-constitutive: while policymakers and bureaucrats rely on publicly accepted and common-sense understandings of acceptable family life, at the same time they themselves contribute to constructing these norms. The study builds on interviews with immigration bureaucrats, analyzes parliamentary plenary debates, Helsingin Sanomat newspaper editorials, as well as court cases from the Helsinki Administrative Court. Methodologically, it develops the notion problem frames by combining frame analysis with the Foucauldian notion of problematization. The analysis is based on the understanding that public debates are socially constitutive speech acts that shape our understanding of family migration and eventually contribute to the policy agenda and policy framing Intersectionality works as analytical tool to examine how constructed categories mutually reinforce each other and create axes of inclusion and exclusion. There are certain conditions in which some family ties grant people the right to belong, while other people are excluded and positioned as unwanted. The study conceptualizes struggles over the right to belong as gatekeeping and bordering processes, in which the nation-state is reinscribed and defined through exclusionary discourses and problem frames. The thesis arrives at three main conclusions. First, the analysis shows that migration regulations cause, prevent, and require dependence: dependence on the sponsor/spouse, dependence on the welfare state, and dependence on a caring family member. Each of these dependencies has different implications and effects for different, intersectionally positioned groups of migrants. Second, this thesis shows that the way in which migrant families are evaluated is part of s dual process of moral gatekeeping. On the one hand, moral justifications are used to argue for the inclusion or exclusion of certain families, while on the other hand, the gatekeeping of morals works to portray certain families as a threat to Finnish family norms. Third, this thesis shows that gendered assumptions about care relations influence whether or not family ties qualify a person for a residence permit in Finland. Furthermore, he right to care for elderly parents is connected with questions of cultural citizenship. Overall, the key finding is that in the regulation of family migration, formal and informal axes of exclusion are part of one and the same continuum. They are based on a set of shared assumptions, discourses, and modes of thought that categorize and label migrants.
  • Leppänen, Joonas (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    The main idea that is advocated in this thesis is that a radical democratic theory needs a theory of dissent as one of its core concepts. The argument is made in favour of the view that a radical democratic theory requires a conception of justice as participatory parity and an account that makes change intelligible. The thesis defends the claim that Nancy Fraser s concept of justice as participatory parity combined with Ernesto Laclau s insights on populist democracy and hegemony best suits this requirement. The thesis is done within the framework of radical democracy. It is argued that by radical democracy is meant a form of democracy that is more democratic than liberal democracy. The connection between radical and liberal democracy lies in the fact that radical democratic theories are usually based on a critique of liberal institutionalism. Framed like this, there is an opposition between liberal and radical democracy. In the thesis it is claimed that a political theory of dissent should be positioned within the framework of radical democracy for a couple of overarching reasons. The first one is that the liberal democratic framework internalizes and domesticates dissent. This leads to the conclusion that the liberal democratic framework cannot treat dissent as a separate concept. Radical democracy, hence, is a view of democracy that is radical in relation to liberal democracy. It can be said to be radical towards democracy itself. To be radical towards democracy implies that radical democracy always stretches the boundaries of democracy. A separate political theory of dissent is important for the sake of showing that dissent can and should be viewed as a positive and constructive feature in society. Dissent is positive and constructive for many reasons: it fosters democratic citizenship, it aims to remove injustices, and it may improve the institutional framework and strengthens participatory parity in society. Even though dissent, as a form of participation, is a positive feature in society it cannot be completely institutionalized. On the other hand, a democratic society is required to uphold dissent as a feature in a manner that is similar to a right. It is argued that dissent should be viewed as a political conception that attempts to encompass actually occurring dissent. This is in contrast to dissent only as the idea of dissenting or fostering dissenting thoughts. It is proposed that dissent should be viewed as a conception that requires a divergent opinion to be articulated. The idea of articulated dissent ties the conception to social movements. Dissent, as portrayed in this thesis, ties radical democratic theory to institutional reality. The main idea is that dissent stems from disagreement with society s institutional arrangements and hence, it will also target those institutions. Hence, I propose that a theory of radical democratic dissent should be viewed as a theory that is positioned within the context of society s institutional framework.
  • Tuominen, Hanna (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    This dissertation studies the EU's normative power role at the Human Rights Council (HRC), which is the key UN body in the field of human rights. The EU has proclaimed an active and visible role in the HRC as an important part of its external human rights agenda. However, the EU's normative ambitions face challenges; other actors are not necessarily willing to accept the EU's role claims and deliver competing human right positions. In this respect, the HRC provides an interesting case for studying the recognition of the EU's normative power role in practice. The first two chapters present the theoretical, conceptual and methodological background of this dissertation. In particular, the EU role as a normative power is examined by combining it with role theory. As a consequence, the normative power role is seen as being closely related to the EU's own role conception or self-image. According to this self-perception, the EU claims to act as a force for good in global politics by promoting universal norms and standards through non-coercive measures. The EU is also seen to differ from other actors. However, as the EU's ambitious role claims do not necessarily correspond with its actual behaviour, the normative power role is better understood as an ideal-type. The EU's acts can more or less approximate this ideal in external human rights promotion. Because the normative power role is a highly Eurocentric notion and the debate is conducted mainly by European scholars, the alter side of this role is needed. Role theory enables a more critical approach to the normative power role by also directing attention to the EU's role performance and external perceptions of this role among different others. The EU's normative power role claims are especially evident in its external human rights promotion. Hence, this dissertation concentrates on examining the EU's role in global human rights governance. Chapter 3 demonstrates how domestic, regional and international factors have facilitated the development of the EU's role in this field. The normative power role draws attention to the EU definition of human rights and to the instruments it uses in human rights promotion. In order to be a normative power, the EU should also be able to achieve normative changes in others. In this respect the EU faces challenges, which become evident in the UN human rights machinery. Chapter 4 presents the UN Human Rights Council and the legal-institutional and political preconditions for EU participation therein. It demonstrates how the HRC is a case of inconvenient multilateralism for the EU, as the EU needs to balance between its normative commitments and multilateral preferences. The EU's normative power self-image and the coherence of this role are often taken for granted. However, an actor s role conceptions are rarely homogenous. Chapter 5 examines the self-perception of the EU at the HRC through official EU documents and statements. Furthermore, 23 theme interviews were conducted in 2013-2014 with the EEAS and EU member state human rights experts in Geneva and Brussels to reveal a more unofficial EU self-perception. The findings demonstrate that the official image underlines the EU role as a defender of universal human rights principles, a supporter and contributor to the UN, and a partner for others. Furthermore, the EU' s role has remained rather unchanged since the establishment of the HRC (2006). The policy practitioners views also supported the EU's normative power self-image; the EU was perceived, for example, as a promoter and defender of universal norms, a leader through its own example, and different from other actors. As a conclusion, the EU's self-perception at the HRC confirms the normative power role image, even if the limitations for practicing such a role at the HRC are acknowledged. This normative power self-perception is also shared among different EU actors. The EU's performance at the HRC has a key role in legitimizing its role claims as a normative power. Role performance refers to the actual behaviour of the EU, and it often differs from both ego and alter role expectations. Evaluating EU performance in different international organizations is important, but a demanding task because of its complex actorness. Chapter 6 examines EU performance along the lines of relevance, effectiveness, resource viability, and efficiency. These elements are able to capture the EU's success in relation to both HRC processes and outcomes. According to HRC participants, the EU has high relevance internally and externally, which provides legitimacy for EU participation. Effectiveness reflects the outcomes the EU has been able to achieve and can be studied through different measures. According to the data, the EU has succeeded in being internally effective and coherent, and has shown considerable external effectiveness through delivering statements and adopted resolutions. In this respect, EU records match well with its ambitious role claims. However, the EU's ability to contribute to the effectiveness of the HRC, as well as its efficiency, remains only moderate. With its enormous resources, the EU would have the potential for much more. The EU's inefficiency is related to its heavy internal dynamics, but also largely on external conditions. Chapter seven studies the external perceptions of the EU role at the HRC through 40 semi-structured interviews conducted in 2013-2014. The views of external others are able to outline the alter side of the EU's role. Studied external others include other UN member states, human rights organizations, and HRC Secretary Staff. States are classified into groups, such as EU allies, Moderates, Developing states, and EU opponents by taking into account their norm consistency with the EU and voting behaviour at the UN. The findings point to variable recognition of the EU's normative power role. The EU is seen as an important example that supports universal principles and the UN. The EU is also seen to prefer non-coercive measures against other actors. However, the EU's leadership is considered to be only issue-specific and the normative power image generally suffers from several inconsistencies. The EU's different approach is especially apparent when it is compared with the US. As a conclusion, the EU's normative power role is only partly recognized among its others, which gives reasons to reconsider the legitimacy of the normative power role. This dissertation provides an alternative approach to the EU's role as a normative power. The theoretical framework underlines how the EU's roles in the world should be studied by taking into account not only the EU s own role aspirations, but also its role performance and the alter side of these roles. The most valuable and interesting contribution of this thesis is the research interviews concerning internal and external perception of the EU role as a normative power. In general, the empirical chapters provide a comprehensive and detailed picture of the EU role in one particular institutional context, the UN Human Rights Council.
  • Mäkiniemi, Jaana-Piia (Helsingin yliopisto, 2016)
    Ethical food choice is a concrete everyday action to promote sustainability in term of supporting workers rights, animal welfare and environmental food production, and the local economy. The aim of the dissertation is to enhance understanding of the dimensions of ethical food choice in general, and specifically with regard to climate-friendly choices. It is assumed that at least two theoretical perspectives, namely moral decision-making and food-choice behaviour are necessary for an understanding of the phenomenon. The data for the dissertation was collected in two time phases from two different questionnaires. The participants in both phases were university students. Qualitative and quantitative methods were used. The following research questions were addressed in the sub-studies: What kind of everyday ideas and lay views about ethical and unethical food do young adults from Finland, Denmark and Italy have?; How and to what extent do the five moral foundations emerge in food-related moral thinking?; How is the perceived moral intensity of climate change related to young adults climate-friendly food choices in Finland?; and What barriers to choosing climate-friendly food do young adults in Finland perceive? The findings of Sub-study I indicate that various dimensions are associated with the ethicality of food. Ethical foods were seen, for instance, as natural, healthy and local, produced in ways that support equality and animal welfare, whereas unethical foods were perceived as unnatural, unhealthy and global, produced without attention to equality and animal welfare. The main results of Sub-study II concerned the emergence of five moral foundations in the word association data, which indicates that foundations are also relevant dimensions in food-related moral thinking. Of these, Harm/Care, Purity/Sanctity and Fairness/Reciprocity were the most relevant. The findings of Sub-study III imply that moral intention and perceived moral intensity, namely perceiving climate change as probable and serious, are the most important factors associated with climate-friendly food choice. According to the results of Sub-study IV, the most relevant barriers perceived by the respondents to hinder climate-friendly food choice were a high price, poor supply, lack of knowledge and perceived difficulty in making such choices. As the further analysis revealed, the barriers that had the strongest inhibiting effect were disbelief in any such effects, the desire to maintain the same eating habits, lack of time and difficulty. The current dissertation enhances understanding of ethical-food-choice behaviour in bringing to light new findings, and in presenting new measurements. The main limitations include social-desirability bias, and the use of student samples.