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  • Uddin, Mohammad Jasim (Helsingin yliopisto, 2013)
    This dissertation seeks to shed light on microcredit policies and practices, and attempts to contribute to the understanding of how microcredit relates to the lives of the borrowers in rural Bangladesh. More specifically, this study delves into whether the group-based micro-loans that are channeled through women facilitate social capital, reconstruct gender relations and provide a way out of poverty at the village level in Bangladesh. The empirical data of this study was collected from 151 married women microcredit borrowers of two project areas of the Grameen Bank (GB) and two project areas of the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) in the Sylhet District, Bangladesh where both the GB and the BRAC have been operating micro-loans over a period of several years. The ethnographic description relates to the questions of how NGOs use neoliberal policies and credit on the one hand, and also how local people appropriate credit on the other hand. I have endeavoured to contribute to understanding the focuses of microcredit initiatives within the context of Foucault s disciplinary power (1977) and governmentality (1978, 1979, 1988) against the background of neoliberalism. I stress the power relations, implications of enforced institutional discipline of microcredit organizations, and vulnerability of microcredit borrowers. By applying Scott s notions of hidden resistance (1990) and weapons of the weak (1985), I have focused on how microcredit borrowers criticize rules of programmes and procedures out of earshot and out of sight of the officials of the NGOs. Following the entitlement approach detailed by Sen (1981, 1987, 1999) I have also addressed the mechanism whereby poor people take credit year after year and get further mired in debt. Fundamentally, the objective of this study has rotated around some complex questions: To what extent microcredit programmes, a product of neoliberalism and the capitalist world system, intersect and connect with the local women borrowers to facilitate social capital, women s empowerment and poverty alleviation in rural Bangladesh? Does the group lending tenet really work, or is it only a process of getting access to credit for the borrowers or does it fulfil a governing strategy of microcredit organizations to the borrowers in accordance with the market rationality? Are women microcredit borrowers really rational economic actors who invest credit themselves at the local level? Is credit through women a policy of women s empowerment or a project of covert regulative practice? Are the microcredit borrowers undergoing the win-win situation of increased financial outcomes and enhanced well-being that microcredit programmes have pledged to offer? My work draws attention to what microcredit NGOs aim to change, and the techniques they apply. My study is an analysis of what microcredit initiatives fail to do: mobilize social capital, reconstruct gender relations, and alleviate poverty. The study argues that microcredit can be regard as a form of governmentality that is exercised via a generalised control over people s behaviour and over their beliefs, and by spreading the values of entrepreneurship with the market as the solver of all ills. Whilst the much lauded microcredit organizations (such as GB, BRAC) push neoliberal ideologies onto rural borrowers, they have failed because many borrowers cannot yield sufficient profit and or use credit for the purposes for which it is supposed to be used for. The package of training and consciousness raising lessons that originally went alongside the GB or BRAC microcredit programme is now missing from their rural operations. Therefore, ensuring a win-win situation that microcredit originally promised has been failed. Microcredit organizations reinforce pre-existing kinship and gender structures, and there has been a wide scale mission creep, which has turned micro-lending NGOs into money-lending businesses or installment collecting organizations.
  • Kouvonen, Petra (2013)
    The thesis “Participatory Policies and Social Rights in Out-of-home Placement Services. Negotiated Agencies of Vulnerable Children” investigates the possibilities of participatory policies, in the meaning of involving the civil society, such as children, their parents and non-public service providers, to be turned into social rights for vulnerable children in out-of-home placement. The guiding questions have been: what roles do social needs of children who might suffer from multiple problems, including e.g. substance abuse, play when difficult lifestyle related issues are dealt with in varied networks? Are social needs, such as the need to assistance or treatment, addressed or are there obstacles to meet such needs when participatory policies are applied? Two sets of data have been used. The first set of data was collected on the basis of participant observation and semi-structured interviews from three Professional Foster Homes. The second set of data was drawn from professional child welfare journals and policy documents. The theoretical perspective has been approached from two different traditions of moral thought: the “theory of justice” elaborated by John Rawls (1971) and an orientation called “communicative ethics” (Benhabib; 1992, 2006). The results shows that participatory policies, which largely are inspired by communicative ethics, not automatically turn out in inclusive practices addressing children’s social rights. Partnerships are seldom established on the bases of social needs. The main finding was that the most vulnerable children, such as those suffering from own substance abuse, were met with more repressive responses and demands for self-control than children with fewer own problems. Furthermore, participatory approaches which were set out to involve children in decision making in matters that concerns their own lives, were frequently overruled in relation to this group. However, a supportive context with strategies for adult support and clear preventive policies for e.g. substance use appeared to create inclusive responses even for the “weakest ones”. Thus, future efforts calls for more coordinated and tailored guidelines at the national level on how to apply participatory practices for specific vulnerable groups in the context of out-of-home placement. In designing these practices, children’s personal experiences might also have a place.
  • Rikmann, Erle (Institute of International and Social Studies, Tallinn University, 2012)
    Construction of Civil Society in Estonia: Discursive and Institutional Changes The dissertation is a study of the emergence of civil society in Estonia on a discursive as well as institutional level. More precisely, I analyse a process which might be called the construction of civil society , i.e., how a new set of knowledge (a new discourse) has appeared in Estonia; and how it has developed and become institutionalised in terms of both form and content. This development has, among other things, been influenced by a transmission of transnational models, but also by structural features of the recipient society. The study s theoretical framework and key concepts rely above all on an approach characteristic for the sociology of knowledge. In explaining Estonian developments and peculiarities, I also analyse the consequences of the rapid transformation that has taken place in the post-Soviet societies. The thesis consists of seven articles and an integrative summary chapter. The articles have been divided into three groups based on subjects: (i) Estonian civil society in its early development, (ii) the consolidation and the problems of civil society in Estonia, and (iii) Estonian civil society in a comparative perspective. I have combined different methods in order to obtain empirical sensitivity: I have studied NGOs through questionnaires and interviews with their representatives as well as through data from the registry. I have conducted in-depth interviews with other social groups or agents who have played an important role in the development of civil society with their specific values, social identities and knowledge of civil society. The use of multi-perspective methods and the theoretical framework of the sociology of knowledge provides the study with new information on the development of civil society in Estonia. It shows the social context in which the construction of civil society started, the main actors, and the special features of civil society in contemporary Estonia. Discursive and institutional developments seem to take place at different pace in different parts of society. This, in turn, has an impact on the domestication and naturalisation of new knowledge. Hence, the outcome may significantly differ from the original transnational model. This asymmetry of discursive and institutional changes causes tension in a society and its power structure. The selective nature of the domestication of transnational models in rapidly changing societies may also explain the differences in how civil society has developed in different post-Socialist countries. Keywords Estonia, civil society, discursive and institutional changes, Project Civil Society, domestication, objectivated knowledge
  • Itkonen, Panu (University of Helsinki, 2012)
    Skolt Sami Cooperation is a study about a traditional community of reindeer herders and its relations to the state administration. The anthropological fieldwork is done in the Skolt Sami reindeer herding community of Sevettijärvi in Northern Finland, and also representatives of state administration are interviewed. More than previous studies of Sami and reindeer herders, this study focuses on reindeer herder s forms of cooperation. Team work is put into perspective by analyzing work patterns of reindeer herders on the basis of anthropological theory and intensive observations of work situations. Recent changes in these work forms are based mainly on the centralization of reindeer ownership. Work groups of several households who base their work relationships on balanced reciprocity and equality have shrunk in reindeer separations, and work groups of one main household who base their actions on authority have become more common. As a basis for cooperation in the reindeer herding community, the meaning of kinship has diminished a little over the last five decades, and the role of friendship has grown slightly. The new professions of women have become important sources of additional income in reindeer herder families. Moreover, the community has opened up a little for outsiders and newcomers. Around 30 different additional forms of livelihood were practiced next to reindeer herding, but the developing of new economic activities by united forces of reindeer herders has become difficult as the number of reindeer herders has diminished. All active reindeer herders, including many small reindeer owners, have important roles in the work organization of the reindeer herding cooperative. Reindeer herders attitudes in relation to actions of the state administration are examined by quantitative means to supplement previous qualitative explorations of the same theme. 85% of Sevettijärvi reindeer herders considered that the minimum limit for the per animal subsidies (80 reindeer) was too high. The majority of Sevettijärvi herders (70%) also thought that the upper limit for individually-owned reindeer (500) was too high. The state s predator policy has favored large numbers of predators, which has advanced reindeer damages and cut down the productivity of reindeer herding. 90% of Sevettijärvi reindeer herders were critical about the predator and eagle policies. The state s economic approach proves to be too narrow in comparison to the broad economic reality of the Sevettijärvi reindeer herders. Decision makers of the central state administration use superior structural power in issues of reindeer herding, which is worth noticing as the subsidy and predator policies are generators of cultural change in the Skolt Sami reindeer herding community.
  • Landy, Fidelis (2012)
    This paper examines the profit-shifting motive of a government trade policy and investigates the effects of vertical structures and tariffs when markets are characterized by Cournot oligopoly. I also analyze the impact of competition on the price and output decisions of upstream producers. I show that vertical integration affects the direction in which the domestic country aims to switch trade flows by import tariffs. Under vertical integration a domestic tariff on final good imports indirectly harms domestic input producers, while under non-integration tariffs increase both domestic and foreign input supply. I show that upstream competition decreases output and the price at which the input is traded.
  • Määttä, Anne (Diakonia-ammattikorkeakoulu, 2012)
    Väitöskirjassa tutkitaan, miten suomalainen palvelujärjestelmä toimii perusturvaetuuksia hakevan asiakkaan näkökulmasta. Tarkastelun lähtökohtana on perustuslaissa annettu lupaus oikeudesta sosiaaliturvaan sosiaalisten riskitilanteiden kohdatessa. Lupauksen toteutumista arvioidaan kuvaamalla perusturvaetuuksia hakeneiden kokemuksia eri tekijöiden vaikutuksista avun saamiseen tai sen epäämiseen. Aikaisempi tutkimus perusturvan väliinputoajista ja tukeen liittyvistä aukkopaikoista on ollut vahvasti etuuskohtaista ja informaatio on kerätty pääasiallisesti tuesta päättäviltä tahoilta tai tilastoista. Tämä on kohdistanut päähuomion tuenhakijaan ja tehnyt muut kokonaisuuteen vaikuttavat tekijät näkymättömäksi. Tässä tutkimuksessa avataan tuen haun prosessia ja siirretään huomiota väliinputoajista myös muihin poiskäännyttäviin tekijöihin. Väitöskirjan kokoava tutkimuskysymys on seuraava: Mitkä palvelujärjestelmän toimintaan ja sen asiakkaisiin liittyvät tekijät synnyttävät väliinputoamista ja poiskäännyttämistä? Kokoavaan tutkimuskysymykseen vastataan analysoimalla asiakkaiden kirjoituksia. Tutkimusaineisto muodostuu 194 sosiaaliturvan epäkohtia ja väliinputoamiskokemuksia kuvaavasta kertomuksesta, jotka on kerätty touko-joulukuussa 2007. Kirjoituspyyntö julkaistiin valikoitujen maakunnan päälehtien ja ilmaislehtien mielipideosastolla tai nettisivuilla sekä Kelan Sanomissa. Teoria- ja aineistolähtöistä sisällönanalyysiä hyödyntäen vahvistetaan kirjoittajien omaa ääntä ja tuotetaan niin kutsuttua toista tietoa. Neljässä tieteellisessä artikkelissa tuodaan esille perusturvaetuuksiin liittyviä väliinputoamis- ja poiskäännyttämiskokemuksia. Tulosten yhteenvetona esitetään, että tuen myöntäminen tai sen epääminen rakentuu tukea hakevan henkilön ja hänen perheensä tilanteesta, etuuden kriteereistä, etuuspäätöksen tekevän työntekijän ammatillisesta osaamisesta ja hänen taustaorganisaationsa virallisista ja epävirallisista säännöistä. Tämän lisäksi perusturvaa toteuttava palvelujärjestelmä on pirstaloitunut, ja siinä vaikuttavat lainalaisuudet luovat erillisten päätösten välille vahvaa polkuriippuvuutta. Pirstaloitumisen ja polkuriippuvuuden vaikutuksesta syntyy osittain tiedostettua, osin tiedostamatonta ja hallitsematonta poiskäännyttämistä, jonka lopputuloksena osa avun tarvitsijoista jää tuen ulkopuolelle. Palvelujärjestelmän toimintamalleihin juurtunut poiskäännyttäminen aiheuttaa vastuun siirtymistä enenevässä määrin avuntarvitsijalle itselleen, hänen perheelleen ja epävirallisen avun piiriin. Keskeiset käsitteet: perusturva, väliinputoaminen, poiskäännyttäminen, pirstaloituminen, polkuriippuvuus
  • Finell, Eerika (2012)
    The overall objective of this thesis is to examine the extent to which different ways of imagining one s own nation relate to individuals attitudes towards immigrants. The national imagination is studied through two types of national symbols representing the nation in terms of a) confrontation between groups (i.e., polarised symbols) and b) a unique entity (i.e., non-polarised symbols). The analysis is on three levels. The first level (Studies 1 & 2) covers the meanings conveyed by national symbols that distinguish one s own nation from others. The second level (Studies 3 & 4) focuses on individual differences. The analysis covers the differences in the degree to which individuals perceive their nation through polarised or non-polarised national symbols, and how this relates to the association between national identification and attitudes towards immigrants. It also examines how blind and constructive patriotism correlates with these symbols. The focus in the third level (Study 5) is on how the contextual salience of polarised and non-polarised national symbols influences attitudes towards immigrants. The thesis comprises two studies based on textual analysis (Studies 1 & 2), two correlational studies (Studies 3 & 4) and one experimental study (Study 5). Rhetorical analysis and content analysis are used in Study 1 (N=127 essays), Study 2 is based on content analysis (N=250 essays), and multivariate statistics are used in Studies 3 and 4 (N=337) and Study 5 (N=64). The data was collected in Finland and the symbols are in the form of pictures. The main findings are the following. (a) National symbols can be categorised on the basis of how strongly the boundaries between groups are constructed (polarised versus non-polarised symbols). (b) The more individuals perceive their nation through polarised national symbols, the higher their scores on blind patriotism. Simultaneously this perception mediates the association between explicit national identification and negative attitudes towards immigrants. (c) Negative attitudes towards immigrants are positively associated with blind patriotism and implicit national identification when polarised national symbols are present. These associations disappear when non-polarised national symbols are present. The results show how national symbols that are familiar to the whole population and are present in everyday life differ in the way they present the nation as a distinct entity. This difference has a strong influence on attitudes towards immigrants and how these attitudes relate to national identification and blind patriotism. It therefore matters how the nation is presented in the media and in politics, and how ordinary people perceive their nation, even when the most common national symbols are used in the presentation.
  • Vihma, Antto (2012)
    The objective of this dissertation is to contribute to our understanding of global governance, using the concepts of hard law and soft law to analyze international agreements that are developed as tools of global governance. They can be placed on a continuum from ideal hard law treaties to the vaguest and voluntary soft law. This dissertation presents an analytical framework for comparing legal arrangements on different positions along the continuum. The framework focuses on two overarching evaluative criteria; effectiveness and legitimacy. Both are further divided into sub-components that can be evaluated contextually. To complement the general theoretical discussion, the dissertation includes three focused empirical case studies on the relationships between hard law and soft law in global climate governance. In order to gain further understanding of international agreements, the thesis makes three central and overarching claims. I argue that the legalization continuum offers an academically solid and policy-relevant approach to international agreements, contrary to some other suggested categorizations. I also call for both a comprehensive and practice-oriented analytical approach for further research into whether and how the characteristics of law in global governance matter. Comprehensiveness means that the analysis should take into account both rationalist and constructivist insights, keeping in mind that the key evaluative criteria, effectiveness and legitimacy, are deeply intertwined. The related claim of practice-orientation is that in order to have relevance, this analysis must be firmly embedded in the political context, most notably North-South politics. Applying the comprehensive and practice-oriented research approach, the dissertation presents three empirical case studies. First, the study elaborates how the soft-hard law dynamics are crucially important in the domestic/foreign policy interface of major developing countries, through a case study of Indian climate politics. Second, the results indicate that non-UN soft law being used to exert influence on the negotiations within the UN context. Lastly, the thesis argues that while the developing country interests are both converging and diverging, the increasingly conflicting interests, as well as the very slowly eroding common identity, are leading to increased challenges to South unity.
  • E Moula, Md Munjur (2012)
    The street children are a growing phenomenon of postmodern times, especially in developing countries like Bangladesh. The estimated total street children in Bangladesh are four million. These children are deprived of their basic needs and are facing numerous barriers to access their developmental opportunities, although they are considerably knowledgeable and resourceful in their living circumstances and in the life on the streets. A combination of factors leads the children to leave their own locality to resort to urban streets in Bangladesh. There are few organizations aiming to protect these children and to minimize their numbers. This study examines how the existing service system for street children is structured in two cities of Bangladesh and from the perspectives of street children themselves and from service providers perspective. Hence, the study analyses explanations for (1) how the children end up in the streets and their street-based livelihood system and surviving, and for (2) how it is written about the child perspective, child rights, service delivery for children and the elimination of street children from the streets by developing their livelihood conditions. Thus, these explanations were considered in this research combining and using ecology of human development, poverty, social exclusion and Giddens structuration theory. The structuration theory offers the dimensions of child policy and service delivery system. The study explores its arguments through the situation of street children (beneficiary and non-beneficiary) and support delivery system for them in two cities as Dhaka and Bogra in Bangladesh. The qualitative research methods used in this study were interviews with street children (30) and their service providers (12), informal discussions (16), focus group discussions (5), and seminar cum workshop from the year 2005. The field work was written to memos into the field diaries. The field diaries (3) included altogether 997 pages. The interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed by hand to the field diaries. The tapes were used again during the analysis. In this study the research strategies and methods allowed both street children and the service providers possibilities to be participants and producing the needed research data. The findings show that street children, whether beneficiaries or non-beneficiaries of services provided by organizations, are facing multifarious problems throughout their living on the streets. In this regard, the existing service delivery system does not offer in all respect and to all of them satisfactory services, which support their healthy development and growth. There are lacking with adequate shelter, healthy nutrition opportunities and with the daily hygiene and health. There are also signs that street children were exploited by adults or older street children in the community. The service delivery system does not take into account the cultural understanding of gender, age and also religion and how these should be taken into consideration in the services. Based on the results of the study a recommendation of service system was compiled for the restructuring comprehensive and holistic form services for street children in Bangladesh to fulfill their basic needs in the future and to take into consideration the cultural aspects of organizing services. Key words: street children, child protection, childrens services, service delivery system, social work, social policy, Bangladesh.
  • Trommer, Silke (2012)
    My thesis addresses the evolution of participatory trade policy-making practices in West African trade negotiations with the European Union that incorporate critcis of the global trade agenda. I examine the lessons West African participatory politics provides for tackling the technocracy/democracy deadlock in current governance practice. I also ask what the West African example means for trade theory. In terms of organising my arguments, I proceed in two steps. First, I identify West African civil society involvement in EPA negotiations as a participatory policy-making practice, and expose the roots of current trade theory s inability to account for the evolution and continued application of the practice in West Africa. More specifically, I argue that current trade policy formation theories focus on a peculiar reading of the economic to the detriment of the social aspects of trading and therefore fail to account for trade political change that emerges from the political and social realms. In the second part of my thesis, I adopt a broader analytical framework for the political economy of trade in order to analyse the process through which trade politics became participatory in West Africa. The idea that the social dimensions of the trading activity need to be taken seriously in studies of the political economy of trade lies at the heart of my argument. More specifically, I analyse the context in which EU-West African trade negotiations unfolded and opened possibilities for West African civil society organisations to use and manipulate structural conditions in ways that, over time, facilitated their participation in the policy process. They achieved this goal through reacting to and creating political opportunity for participation on the basis of several elements, none of which can be incorporated in standard political economy approaches to trade. They are: asymmetries in negotiating capacity and power between the negotiating parties, existing legal rights and norms in EU-ACP relations, their own trade policy experience and expertise, framing debates in ways that were conducive to civil society participation, and relying on the historical experiences and social realities of the West African region to forge solidarity among West African negotiators against the EU. I conclude that debates on the relationship between trade and democracy need to be resituated in view of my analysis. I argue that trade and democracy do not warrant direct comparison between a human activity observed across all recorded human history and a principle of political organisation that historically emerges in human societies on the basis of a specific set of values. If we accept that democracy should be the guiding principle of social organisation, the pertinent questions are therefore: (1) is trade policy-making democratic? and, if the answer is negative as current observers concur, (2) can international trade be organised in ways that are more democratic? In relation to the second question, my analysis of the West African experience provides important empirical evidence and suggests avenues for learning.
  • Freystätter, Hanna (Suomen Pankki (Bank of Finland), 2012)
    This thesis consists of an introductory chapter and three essays, all of which aim to study the functioning of a small open economy. The thesis starts with an investigation of export and import price determination and moves to a small open economy DSGE model framework in order to study the role of financial factors in economic fluctuations. In all three essays, theoretical small open economy models are used for quantitative analysis of the small open economy of Finland. The first essay develops a model for aggregate trade price inflation that takes into account two price setting conventions: local currency pricing (LCP) and producer currency pricing (PCP). In our empirical work, we confront our model with Finnish data and estimate the relative shares of LCP and PCP firms in the economy. In the estimation period 1980 1998, the share of local currency pricing was 40 percent in the export sector and 60 percent in the import sector, implying a limited pass-through from exchange rate to destination-country prices in both sectors. The second essay builds a small open economy DSGE model with the BGG financial accelerator and financial market shocks. In our empirical work covering the period 1995 2008, we provide evidence of an operative financial accelerator in Finland. The financial accelerator acts as an amplifying mechanism for many disturbances hitting the Finnish economy. Our main result is that financial market disturbances have contributed significantly to Finnish cyclical fluctuations between 1995 and 2008. Even allowing for several shocks stemming from both domestic sources and the international economy, domestic financial market shocks emerge as key drivers of recent business cycle fluctuations in Finland. The third essay studies the boom-bust period in Finland in the late 1980s and early 1990s, focusing on the role of financial factors and investment behaviour. We construct a small open economy DSGE model with the BGG financial accelerator and an unconventional shock structure that captures the key events of the episode. In this model framework, we study the role of financial market deregulation in the boom, the negative impact of the collapse of Soviet-Finnish trade in 1991, and the effect of the collapse of the fixed exchange rate regime in 1992. We argue that the financial accelerator mechanism is a key amplifying mechanism that helps the model to match, in particular, the large and persistent swings of investment first above and later below its trend. This essay demonstrates that the shocks Finland encountered combined with financial frictions are able to produce a boom and a severe depression, matching key salient features of the actual boom-bust cycle experienced in Finland in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
  • Virta, Jami (Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulun Sotahistorian laitos, 2012)
    The Finnish society developed rapidly in the 1960´s and 1970´s. This was result of international trends. Development of education, urbanization and wide organization of society increased discontent towards prevailing social structure and towards the power elite. Development of technology created possibility to present radical perspectives in mass media. This caused widely spread discussions dividing opinions. The purpose of this thesis was to complement research on national defence and the Finnish Defence Forces especially between years 1965 and 1975. The task of research was to clarify how changes in society and how the significance of this change was interpreted in public discussion about national defence and development of the Defence Forces. The most essential points for this thesis turned out to be discourses structured from public discussion. Main research material consisted of approximately 35000 news, editorials, articles and opinions presented in mass media supplemented by literature, committee reports and other archival sources. Frame of reference for this thesis is based on relativistic worldview. According to this, social reality is relative and there is no single truth. Environment has significant influence on the issue how knowledge and truth are formed. Data analysis was based on critical discourse. The key objective was to clarify the effects of broad changes in society using discursive methods. One essential goal was to form order of discourse using linguistic analysis and also connect discourses to wider sociocultural custom. On this thesis I came to the conclusion that on the review period there were five significant ensembles of discourse. They consisted of several discussions focused on different themes. The discourse of official security policy aimed to define national defence and the position of the Defence Forces as parts of foreign policy. Foreign policy is often perceived as the most significant part of security policy. Historical memory, geographical position of Finland and also the state contracts, changes in international warfare, tasks of the Defence Forces and increasing critic of national defence and the difference in thinking between generations formed the discourse of security policy. In the discourse of the liability to military service, the issue was about individual responsibility to society and national defence. Resisters and unarmed defence demands, encouraged by international examples were the themes. The discourse pointed out how mass media is used to influence and forced the Defence Forces to develop the practices in public information. The discourses of democracy and politics were closer to internal development of the Defence Forces to integrate more into society. The discourse of democracy focused in changing power relationships of the Defence Forces that were known as authoritarian. Issues like conscript and personnel union activity had lot of similarities to general social development. The discourse of politics presented how the Defence Forces were pushed towards parliamentary decision making. The personnel was granted the same rights as other population. Themes related to the discourse on the will to national defence were development of mental national defence, increasing education on national defence and creation of more open public information culture. According to discourses presented above I can state, that the position of the Defence Forces in society was changed between years 1965-1975. This change was advanced by the Defence Forces reformed attitude towards mass media and public information in general. Active participation in public information important became important instead of only answering topics. This positive development created an atmosphere, that was easier for the public to understand and create own pictures of the armed forces. Due to this, I can describe that the defenders and supporters of the armed forces were stuck in their trenches, until discussions presented in discourses and themes developed the Defence Forces to be better fitting part of society. Key words; society, national defence, Defence Forces, discourse, mass media, security policy, liability to military service, conscription, democracy
  • Kaartinen, Aija (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2012)
    It is often maintained that the Prohibition Act (in force from 1 June 1919 to 5 April 1932) still influences both the Finnish alcohol policy and notions about alcohol. This study focuses on the development of women s opinions concerning Prohibition in Finland. What role did the formulation and expression of women s opinions and women's actions play in the final outcome of the Prohibition Act? What do the debate on Prohibition and women s activities for and against the legislation tell us about the status and possibilities of women to exert influence in the Finnish society of the Prohibition era? Women s opinions are particularly interesting since they deviated radically from what has generally been assumed. It was expected that the referendum of 1931 would result in a resounding vote of 100% in favour of Prohibition, but the outcome was a majority vote against it. Over 65% of the women who cast their vote in the referendum wanted a full repeal of Prohibition. The study approaches the history of Prohibition by combining methods and theories of the history of mentalities and social history with gender history. Women are examined as a heterogeneous group with dissimilar objectives and differing ways of acting and thinking. The research material consists of press materials, archival materials from organisations, personal materials and statistics from the Prohibition period. Both discourses and practices are examined; the object of the research is best described by Michel Foucault's concept of dispositif. When participating in the public debate on Prohibition, women based their right to express their opinions and take part in action on an ideological continuum spanning a hundred years, according to which home and family were central areas of women s interest. This idea was linked to questions of morality and social policy. On the other hand, women presented themselves as working taxpayers, voters and equal citizens. The most crucial issue in women's discussions was whether Prohibition improved or worsened the temperance of fathers, husbands and sons. The dichotomies town dweller - countryside dweller, Swedish-speaking Finnish-speaking, and middle class - working class were highly significant backgrounds both as factors dividing women and in public discussions regarding Prohibition. The 1931 referendum showed that the lines of demarcation drawn during the preceding debate did not materialise in political action in line with these dichotomies: the dispositif did not correspond to the discourse. Contrary to what was expressed in public, a great number of women among the labour and rural classes, among inland inhabitants and among Finnish-speakers were also against Prohibition. The media and organisations defended temperance and Prohibition almost until the end of the Prohibition era. This discourse was in conflict with the discourse of everyday conversations and practices in which alcohol was present.
  • Repo, Jemima (2011)
    This dissertation inquires into the relationship between gender and biopolitics. Biopolitics, according to Michel Foucault, is the mode of politics that is situated and exercised at the level of life. The dissertation claims that gender is a technology of biopower specific to the optimisation of the sexual reproduction of human life, deployed through the scientific and governmental problematisation of declining fertility rates in the mid-twentieth century. Just as Michel Foucault claimed that sexuality became a scientific and political discourse in the nineteenth century, gender has also since emerged in these fields. In this dissertation, gender is treated as neither a representation of sex nor a cultural construct or category of identity. Rather, a genealogy of gender as an apparatus of biopower in conducted. It demonstrates how scientific and theoretical developments in the twentieth century marshalled gender into the sex/sexuality apparatus as a new technology of liberal biopower. Gender, I argue, has become necessary for the Western liberal order to recapture and re-optimise the life-producing functions of sex that reproduce the very object of biopolitics: life. The concept of the life function is introduced to analyse the life-producing violence of the sex/sexuality/gender apparatus. To do this, the thesis rereads the work of Michel Foucault through Gilles Deleuze for a deeper grasp of the material strategies of biopower and how it produces categories of difference and divides population according to them. The work of Judith Butler, in turn, is used as a foil against which to rearticulate the question of how to examine gender genealogically and biopolitically. The dissertation then executes a genealogy of gender, tracing the changing rationalities of sex/sexuality/gender from early feminist thought, through mid-twentieth century sexological, feminist, and demographic research, to current EU policy. According to this genealogy, in the mid-twentieth century demographers perceived that sexuality/sex, which Foucault observed as the life-producing biopolitical apparatus, was no longer sufficiently disciplining human bodies to reproduce. The life function was escaping the grasp of biopower. The analysis demonstrates how gender theory was taken up as a means of reterritorialising the life function: nature would be disciplined to reproduce by controlling culture. The crucial theoretical and genealogical argument of the thesis, that gender is a discourse with biopolitical foundations and a technology of biopower, radically challenges the premises of gender theory and feminist politics, as well as the emancipatory potential often granted to the gender concept. The project asks what gender means, what biopolitical function it performs, and what is at stake for feminist politics when it engages with it. In so doing, it identifies biopolitics and the problem of life as possibly the most urgent arena for feminist politics today.
  • Riska-Campbell, Leena (The Finnish Society of Science and Letters, 2011)
    The dissertation examines the foreign policies of the United States through the prism of science and technology. In the focal point of scrutiny is the policy establishing the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) and the development of the multilateral part of bridge building in American foreign policy during the 1960s and early 1970s. After a long and arduous negotiation process, the institute was finally established by twelve national member organizations from the following countries: Bulgaria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), France, German Democratic Republic (GDR), Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Poland, Soviet Union and United States; a few years later Sweden, Finland and the Netherlands also joined. It is said that the goal of the institute was to bring together researchers from East and West to solve pertinent problems caused by the modernization process experienced in industrialized world. It originates from President Lyndon B. Johnson s bridge building policies that were launched in 1964, and was set in a well-contested and crowded domain of other international organizations of environmental and social planning. Since the distinct need for yet another organization was not evident, the process of negotiations in this multinational environment enlightens the foreign policy ambitions of the United States on the road to the Cold War détente. The study places this project within its political era, and juxtaposes it with other international organizations, especially that of the OECD, ECE and NATO. Conventionally, Lyndon Johnson s bridge building policies have been seen as a means to normalize its international relations bilaterally with different East European countries, and the multilateral dimension of the policy has been ignored. This is why IIASA s establishment process in this multilateral environment brings forth new information on US foreign policy goals, the means to achieve these goals, as well as its relations to other advanced industrialized societies before the time of détente, during the 1960s and early 1970s. Furthermore, the substance of the institute applied systems analysis illuminates the differences between European and American methodological thinking in social planning. Systems analysis is closely associated with (American) science and technology policies of the 1960s, especially in its military administrative applications, thus analysis within the foreign policy environment of the United States proved particularly fruitful. In the 1960s the institutional structures of European continent with faltering, and the growing tendencies of integration were in flux. One example of this was the long, drawn-out process of British membership in the EEC, another is de Gaulle s withdrawal from NATO s military-political cooperation. On the other hand, however, economic cooperation in Europe between East and West, and especially with the Soviet Union was expanding rapidly. This American initiative to form a new institutional actor has to be seen in that structural context, showing that bridge building was needed not only to the East, but also to the West. The narrative amounts to an analysis of how the United States managed both cooperation and conflict in its hegemonic aspirations in the emerging modern world, and how it used its special relationship with the United Kingdom to achieve its goals. The research is based on the archives of the United States, Great Britain, Sweden, Finland, and IIASA. The primary sources have been complemented with both contemporary and present day research literature, periodicals, and interviews.
  • Siironen, Miika (2011)
    Legacy of the Finnish Civil War. White nationalism in a local community - content, supporters and disintegration in Iisalmi 1918 - 1933. Using one local community (Iisalmi) as an example, this study centres around the winners of the 1918 Finnish Civil War, exploring their collectivity its subsequent breakdown during 1918 - 1933. Referring to this collectivity by the methodological concept of white nationalism, the thesis first discusses its origin, content and forms. This is done by elucidating the discourses and symbols that came to constitute central ideological and ritualistic elements of white nationalism. Next, the thesis describes and analyzes fundamental actors of the Finnish civil society (such as White Guard and Lotta Svärd) that maintained white nationalism as a form of counter or parallel hegemony to the integration policy of the 1920s. Also highlighted is the significance of white nationalism as a power broker and an instrument of moral regulation in inter-war Finnish society. A third contribution of this thesis involves presenting a new interpretation of the legacy of the Civil War, i.e., the right-wing radicalism during the years 1919 - 1933. I shall describe attempts of the extreme right (Lapua Movement and IKL, Patriotic People s Movement) to use the white nationalism discourse as a vehicle for their political ambitions, as well as the strong counter-reaction these attempts induced among other middle-class groups. At the core of this research is the concept of white nationalism, whose key elements were the sacrifice of 1918, fatherland under threat and warrior citizenship. Winners of the civil war strove to blend these ideals into a homogenized culture, to which the working class and wavering members of the middle-class were coaxed and pressurized to subscribe. The thesis draws on Anglo-American symbol theories, theory of social identity groups, Antonio Gramsci s concept of cultural hegemony and Stuart Hall s approach to discourse and power.
  • Jutila, Matti (Department of Political and Economic Studies, 2011)
    For the past two centuries, nationalism has been among the most influential legitimizing principles of political organization. According to its simple definition, nationalism is a principle or a way of thinking and acting which holds that the world is divided into nations, and that national and political units should be congruent. Nationalism can thus be divided into two aspects: internal and external. Internally, the political units, i.e., states, should be made up of only one nation. Externally each nation-state should be sovereign. Transnational national governance of rights of national minorities violates both these principles. This study explores the formation, operation, and effectiveness of the European post-Cold War minorities system. The study identifies two basic approaches to minority rights: security and justice. These approaches have been used to legitimize international minority politics and they also inform the practice of transnational governance. The security approach is based on the recognition that the norm of national self-determination cannot be fulfilled in all relevant cases, and so minority rights are offered as a compensation to the dissatisfied national groups, reducing their aspiration to challenge the status quo. From the justice perspective, minority rights are justified as a compensatory strategy against discrimination caused by majority nation-building. The research concludes that the post-Cold War minorities system was justified on the basis of a particular version of the security approach, according to which only Eastern European minority situations are threatening because of the ethnic variant of nationalism that exists in that region. This security frame was essential in internationalising minority issues and justifying the swift development of norms and institutions to deal with these issues. However, from the justice perspective this approach is problematic, since it justified double standards in European minority politics. Even though majority nation-building is often detrimental to minorities also in Western Europe, Western countries can treat their minorities more or less however they choose. One of the main contributions of this thesis is the detailed investigation of the operation of the post-Cold War minorities system. For the first decade since its creation in the early 1990s, the system operated mainly through its security track, which is based on the field activities of the OSCE that are supported by the EU. The study shows how the effectiveness of this track was based on inter-organizational cooperation in which various transnational actors compensate for each other s weaknesses. After the enlargement of the EU and dissolution of the membership conditionality this track, which was limited to Eastern Europe from the start, has become increasingly ineffective. Since the EU enlargement, the focus minorities system has shifted more and more towards its legal track, which is based on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Council of Europe). The study presents in detail how a network of like-minded representatives of governments, international organizations, and independent experts was able strengthen the framework convention s (originally weak) monitoring system considerably. The development of the legal track allows for a more universal and consistent, justice-based approach to minority rights in contemporary Europe, but the nationalist principle of organization still severely hinders the materialization of this possibility.
  • Gronow, Antti (Peter Lang, 2011)
    Pragmatism has sometimes been taken as a catchphrase for epistemological stances in which anything goes. However, other authors argue that the real novelty and contribution of this tradition has to do with its view of action as the context in which all things human take place. Thus, it is action rather than, for example, discourses that should be our starting point in social theory. The introductory section of the book situates pragmatism (especially the ideas of G. H. Mead and John Dewey) within the field and tradition of social theory. This introductory also contextualizes the main core of the book which consists of four chapters. Two of these chapters have been published as articles in scientific journals and one in an edited book. All of them discuss the core problem of social theory: how is action related to social structures (and vice versa)? The argument is that habitual action is the explanation for the emergence of social structures from our action. Action produces structures and social reproduction takes place when action is habitualized; that is, when we develop social dispositions to act in a certain manner in familiar environments. This also means that even though the physical environment is the same for all of us, our habits structure it into different kinds of action possibilities. Each chapter highlights these general insights from different angles. Practice theory has gained momentum in recent years and it has many commonalities with pragmatism because both highlight the situated and corporeal character of human activity. One famous proponent of practice theory is Margaret Archer who has argued that the pragmatism of G. H. Mead leads to an oversocialized conception of selfhood. Mead does indeed present a socialized view of selfhood but this is a meta-sociological argument rather than a substantial sociological claim. Accordingly, one can argue that in this general sense intersubjectivity precedes subjectivity and not the other way around. Such a view does not indicate that our social relation would necessarily "colonize" individual action because there is a place for internal conversations (in Archer s terminology); it is especially in those phases of action where it meets obstacles due to the changes of the environment. The second issue discussed has the background assumption that social structures can fruitfully be conceptualized as institutions. A general classification of different institution theories is presented and it is argued that there is a need for a habitual theory of institutions due to the problems associated with these other theories. So-called habitual institutionalism accounts for institutions in terms of established and prevalent social dispositions that structure our social interactions. The germs of this institution theory can be found in the work of Thorstein Veblen. Since Veblen s times, these ideas have been discussed for example, by the economist Geoffrey M. Hodgson. His ideas on the evolution of institutions are presented but a critical stance is taken towards his tendency of defining institutions with the help of rules because rules are not always present in institutions. Accordingly, habitual action is the most basic but by no means the only aspect of institutional reproduction. The third chapter deals with theme of action and structures in the context of Pierre Bourdieu s thought. Bourdieu s term habitus refers to a system of dispositions which structure social fields. It is argued that habits come close to the concept of habitus in the sense that the latter consists of particular kinds of habits; those that are related to the reproduction of socioeconomic positions. Habits are thus constituents of a general theory of societal reproduction whereas habitus is a systematic combination of socioeconomic habits. The fourth theme relates to issues of social change and development. The capabilities approach has been associated with the name of Amartya Sen, for example, and it underscores problems inhering in economistic ways of evaluating social development. However, Sen s argument has some theoretical problems. For example, his theory cannot adequately confront the problem of relativism. In addition, Sen s discussion lacks also a theory of the role of the public. With the help of arguments derived from pragmatism, one gets an action-based, socially constituted view of freedom in which the role of the public is essential. In general, it is argued that a socially constituted view of agency does not necessarily to lead to pessimistic conclusions about the freedom of action.
  • Honkasalo, Veronika (Nuorisotutkimusseura/Nuorisotutkimusverkosto, 2011)
    Among Girls Youth Work, Multiculturalism and Gender Equality Finland s increasingly multicultural society concerns younger generations in a very particular manner. Starting already in pre-school kindergartens, children from different cultural backgrounds share their everyday existence. The focus of this study is Finland s increasingly multicultural society that has challenged youth work professionals in particular and made them rethink questions related to content, basic values and goals of youth work. These reconsiderations include the following essential questions: which of these pedagogic principles are defined as Finnish, and under what kinds of circumstances would the youth workers be ready to negotiate about them. These questions, which are related to multiculturalism, are then linked to the girls position, status and gender equality. The research examines how gender equality is articulated in relation to multiculturalism and vice versa, in what contexts youth work-related questions are negoatiated in, and how these negotiations then relate to gender issues. The present study combines theoretical concepts and debates from both post-colonial and youth research, and has benefited greatly from previous research which has examined the everyday lives of young people with multicultural backgrounds and conceptualised the different meanings of age, ethnicity, culture and gender. Neither multiculturalism nor gender equality is, however, taken as a given concept in this study; rather the research focuses on how youth workers understand and define these concepts and how they are used. The emphasis has been on monitoring the varying consequences of different understandings and definitions in terms of everyday work and practices. The goal of this study has been to find typical ways of conceptualising multiculturalism, gender equality and the role of girls in the context of youth work. The focus of the research is not just the youth workers different views but also the notions of the girls themselves. These are then further analysed by examining the ways the girls negotiate their agency. Examples of how the girls agency is defined and the different forms of agency that are offered to the girls within the context of leisure time activities and youth work have been sought. The kind of agency the girls then assume is also examined. The data in this research is comprised of interviews with young people with multicultural backgrounds (n=39), youth workers (n=42) and of ethnographic fieldwork (2003 2005). The fieldwork concentrated on following different types of youth work activities that were targeted at girls with migrant backgrounds. These were organized both by selected municipalities and NGOs. The research shows that various questions related to multicultural issues have enhanced the visibility of gender equality in the field of youth work. The identification of gender-based inequality is especially closely linked to the position of girls from migrant backgrounds. These girls are a source of particular worry and the aim of the many activity groups for migrant girls is to educate them so that they can become equal Finnish citizens . The youth work itself is seen as gender-neutral and equality based. Equality in this context is defined as a purely quantitative concept, and the solution to any possible inequalities is thus the exact same treatment for everyone . The girls themselves seem mainly confused by the role that is offered to them. They would need a voice and the possibility to have an impact on the planning of youth work activities. They want to have their views heard. The role of the victim assigned to them is very confining and makes it difficult to act. At the same time the research shows how gender-sensitive youth work is seen to mean youth work with girls. Gender-sensitive work with boys is not really done or is done very little, even if many of the interviewees are of the opinion that the true materialization of gender equality would require boys to be taken into account too. The principle of gender equality should be shared by the entire youth work profession. Keywords Youth work, equality, multiculturalism, gender sensitivity, agency, girls, young people, sexuality
  • Kananen, Johannes (2011)
    The 1980s and the early 1990s have proved to be an important turning point in the history of the Nordic welfare states. After this breaking point, the Nordic social order has been built upon a new foundation. This study shows that the new order is mainly built upon new hierarchies and control mechanisms that have been developed consistently through economic and labour market policy measures. During the post-war period Nordic welfare states to an increasing extent created equality of opportunity and scope for agency among people. Public social services were available for all and the tax-benefit system maintained a level income distribution. During this golden era of Nordic welfare state, the scope for agency was, however, limited by social structures. Public institutions and law tended to categorize people according to their life circumstances ascribing them a predefined role. In the 1980s and 1990s this collectivist social order began to mature and it became subject to political renegotiation. Signs of a new social order in the Nordic countries have included the liberation of the financial markets, the privatizing of public functions and redefining the role of the public sector. It is now possible to reassess the ideological foundations of this new order. As a contrast to widely used political rhetoric, the foundation of the new order has not been the ideas of individual freedom or choice. Instead, the most important aim appears to have been to control and direct people to act in accordance with the rules of the market. The various levels of government and the social security system have been redirected to serve this goal. Instead of being a mechanism for redistributing income, the Nordic social security system has been geared towards creating new hierarchies on the Nordic labour markets. During the past decades, conditions for receiving income support and unemployment benefit have been tightened in all Nordic countries. As a consequence, people have been forced to accept deteriorating terms and conditions on the labour market. Country-specific variations exist, however: in sum Sweden has been most conservative, Denmark most innovative and Finland most radical in reforming labour market policy. The new hierarchies on the labour market have co-incided with slow or non-existent growth of real wages and with a strong growth of the share of capital income. Slow growth of real wages has kept inflation low and thus secured the value of capital. Societal development has thus progressed from equality of opportunity during the age of the welfare states towards a hierarchical social order where the majority of people face increasing constraints and where a fortunate minority enjoys prosperity and security.